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Monday 31 August 2020

 Statement by the Jaffna People’s Forum for Co-existence Facing the Future After Elections 2020




1 September 2020 


The general elections of 2020, conducted in the midst of the ongoing crisis of COVID-19 and a global economic recession imminent, marks yet another turning point in our political history. Two issues under girded the campaign; nation building ideological platforms and economic considerations in the name of progress, development and welfare of the people. It is a bare eleven years after the war and just a year after the calamitous Easter Sunday Bombings. The question of who belongs and who does not belong to the nation, the discourse of us and them very much alive, shaping politics.  


The SLPP had a resounding victory in the polls, and along with its few allies, some of them newly minted, is able to command an overwhelming majority in the parliament and in steering the country’s policies for the next five years. It won on a plank of strong government, development, prosperity and (Political) Buddhism. The election outcome and trends promoted by the current government privileges militarisation, not just the deployment of the military in certain areas, but the militarisation of civilian rule. A 20th amendment to the constitution seems imminent. This will render the gains of the 19th amendment null and void; one of the few achievements of the good governance rule that brought about a reduction of the powers of the Executive President. 

 

Post COVID-19 austerity measures straitjacket us into accepting neo-liberal packages that erode into workers’ rights and welfare, people’s claim to land for cultivation and habitation


Devolution, democracy and nation-making


The question of land is entangled in multiple political and economic priorities. Land has been at the centre of the devolution debate. Military occupation of land in the north and east was a bone of terrible contention in the years following the war and is feared by many in these parts. It is said that 80% of the land in Sri Lanka is state owned. This means that the state holds this land in trust for the people, and in no event should any government be allowed to abuse that trust and ride rough shod over the welfare of the people. Land alienation in the name of economic progress, namely turning land over to companies for economic purposes, is a matter of grave concern. Contracts like MCC should not be passed without widespread discussion. No government should be allowed to rush these measures through which will dispossess this country’s people of their claim to land.  


Land is also an ideological factor. We are concerned that issues like heritage which have real historical value could be used at times to deny people access to land, for their livelihood and for habitation. The task force on heritage in the east is composed overwhelmingly of the Military and Clergy; this has raised the fears of Muslims and Tamils who are a dominant presence in the east. Their aspirations and even survival seem threatened by these new measures surrounding heritage. All land related programmes, including settlement and re-settlement, need to be done in consultation with the people concerned. The environment is a cardinal feature of our future. An environmental discourse should be composite and bring people into its articulation. Environmental concerns cannot be undermined for grand economic programmes, nor should they be used as political ploys in devaluing people’s livelihood attempts and survival. 


A people-centred economy


COVID-19 places a great strain on an already fragile Sri Lankan economy, which had been kept bolstered only through foreign loans and a precarious export economy. COVID-19 has merely precipitated the crisis. Setting up factories, creating and training a labour force for export or local industries in ever increasing precarity, characterised recent economic programmes. What is the future of this now? The dispossession of large numbers of working women in West Asia is going to create untold hardship to those dispossessed.   


The state plays a pivotal role in packaging a liberalising economic agenda, in which workers and cultivators of small holdings or landless peasants would be further disenfranchised. Post COVID-19 austerity measures straitjacket us into accepting neo-liberal packages that erode into workers’ rights and welfare, people’s claim to land for cultivation and habitation. Privatisation has eroded into areas that were under the state’s purview previously, and we fear that this process will be accelerated in the coming years. We must safeguard the cherished welfare measures that we have long fought for, like health care and education.  

 

COVID-19 places a great strain on an already fragile Sri Lankan economy, which had been kept bolstered only through foreign loans and a precarious export economy


Long standing concerns of the plantation community which is also largely a Tamil minority community has not been addressed and they have been a pawn in the shenanigans of short term political manoeuvre. Low salaries and housing are primary concerns; protection of workers in large and small holdings, work security, access to good schooling facilities are some of the other issues. Women’s economic survival, safety and mobility form the backbone of stability. They are at the helm of the export economy and have sustained communities through decades of hardship. We are concerned about the overall disenfranchisement of working women. 


Dissent and democracy


Suppression of dissent has been with us for long and during the war and in the post war years have led to a serious suppression of dissent. We are concerned about arbitrary arrests of journalists, lawyers, activists and working people on flimsy pretexts, as well as police personnel who had not toed the line, for instance, the arrest of Shani Abeysekara. Activists and professionals Ramzy Razeek and Hejaz Hisbullah are still in detention for reasons which are not clear. At a time when the Muslim community is under assault, these suppression of persons in the community instills fear among minorities.   


It is our call that those who value the co-existence of all communities, make a pledge to talk across lines of disempowerment, allow the fault lines of class, gender, ethnicity, sexual minorities and disabilities to find expression; and preserve and develop our democratic institutions, nurture pluralism, keep alive a culture of discussion and dissent.

 

Military occupation of land in the north and east was a bone of terrible contention in the years following the war and is feared by many in these parts

 MMDA And Minister Ali Sabry

By Ameer Ali –

Dr. Ameer Ali

logoSince the appointment of Ali Sabry as Minister of Justice by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA) has once again come into public focus. It is now common knowledge, how, after ten years of labouring, when Justice Saleem Marsoof Committee (JSMC) delivered its report last year with a number of sensible and progressive reforms, they were sabotaged by a coalition of conservative forces, headed by the All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) and supported by a bunch of power hungry and self-seeking Muslim politicians with a non-committal justice minister counting her days before the dissolution of parliament.  Muslim community, especially the women, is now expecting the new minister to act on JSMC’s reforms. Already, the minister has expressed his abhorrence towards underage marriages, and in common with the rest of the country the age of marriage would, in all probability, be set at eighteen. This may be the first salvo to test the real meaning and implication of the controversial one-country-one-law mantra. Without conceding to the demand of ultra-nationalists to abolish Muslim personal laws altogether, the minister’s task is to modernize MMDA and inaugurate a new era in Muslim marital affairs.

However, restricting the age of marriage is the least of the controversies surrounding MMDA. In this, the minister will have his way and the conservatives may have no choice but to accept that change. But the most difficult part of JSMC reforms on which the minister requires all support and encouragement is in relation towards empowerment of Muslim women. The consent of the female partner before marrying and the appointment of women as Qazis are two reforms that empower Muslim women and they are sure to earn the wrath of the conservatives. The minister should have the courage to stand against that opposition and should even take a step further and empower the woman judge at the Qazi court to have the final say in cases dealing with divorce, child custody and alimony.

In the name of sharia, misogyny rules in today’s Qazi courts. While MMDA stood still Muslim women marched forward and have reached new heights in modern Sri Lanka, thanks to C. W. W. Kannangara’s free education revolution and post-independent welfare state. Muslim women should also be thankful to Badiudin Mahmud, who as the Minster of Education undertook certain extraordinary measures to improve female education in his community. As a result, a significant ratio of Muslim women today has emerged into a community of income earners, participating in various professions, as educationists, technologists, scientists, writers, authors and poets. They have become the chief bread winners in their families. It is therefore a crime to treat them as less equal than their male counterparts especially when it comes to matrimony. By misquoting and misinterpreting the Holy Scriptures and with shallow knowledge about the contribution and role of Muslim women in Islamic history and civilization, orthodoxy has reigned supreme over the affairs of Muslim women for centuries. Reforming MMDA to empower women will be and essential step in opening new horizons of opportunities for this half of the community. The minister therefore, has a historic role to play in this respect and he needs all the support from Muslim intelligentsia.

Empowering Muslim women through MMDA will, in addition, open the gate for them to play more leadership roles in community and national affairs in the future. Already, there is a complaint from their counterparts in other communities that women representation in the parliament does not reflect the strength of their votes. The situation is pathetic in the Muslim community. Except for Ferial Ashraf, who entered the parliament as a widow, and that too out of sympathy over the tragic demise of her husband, no other Muslim women ever became a parliamentarian in Sri Lanka. They don’t even enter the contest at provincial and local government levels. This has to change. By entering national politics Muslim women can break the community’s self-alienation at its very foundation. For a long time, religious conservatism and male chauvinism, through subtle and sometimes open threats, had made women a silent and subjugated subset in the mainstream of public life. They are not even allowed to enter the mosque unless they are dead. This has deprived the community and the nation of their invaluable talent and skill in almost every field.  MMDA in its current state reflects this subjugation. This is why it has to be reformed. How far will Minster Sabri go in redressing the current imbalances in MMDA will test not only his leadership qualities but also his government’s interpretation of the one-country-one-law maxim.  

Read More

 Diplomats in Sri Lanka tweet on Day of Disappeared


Several diplomats in Sri Lanka took to Twitter to call for answers on the International Day of the Disappeared, as Tamil families of the disappeared protested across the North-East.

The UN Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Hanaa Singer tweeted ‘I stand with the families of victims of #enforceddisappearances from all communities across #SriLanka. These families endure severe mental anguish; therefore it is vital that those who work in aid of seeking redress for victims continue their work’.

The US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Alaina B. Teplitz expressed in a tweet ‘Ending #EnforcedDisappearances is not enough. Families are entitled to answers. @ompsrilanka’s work is extremely important for families today and for generations to come’.

The establishment of the Office for Missing Persons (OMP) over two years ago was hailed by the international community as an important step in the path to justice for enforced disappearances, despite the rejection of a domestic mechanism by Tamil families of the disappeared. Today, protesting families again restated their rejection of the OMP, the failure of the office to make any progress.

The British High Commission in Sri Lanka tweeted ‘On International Day of the Victims of ‘EnforcedDisappearances we remember all those who have #disappeared, their families and loved ones who continue to search for answers, and all those who work tirelessly to provide them with justice and closure’.

The Canadian High Commission in Sri Lanka stated in their tweet, ‘Decades of conflict and impunity in #SriLanka have left tens of thousands of families without loved ones and without answers. On #InternationalDayoftheDisappeared, our thoughts are with the families of the disappeared searching for answers’.

The delegation of the European Union to Sri Lanka said 'Today is #InternationalDayoftheDisappeared, a day to draw attention to the individuals whose fate remains unknown to their relatives and friends. This is the day to show solidarity with families in Sri Lanka and around the world who are missing their loved ones.'

There is an estimate of 60,000 - 100,000 disappearances from the 1980s until the end of the armed conflict.

To mark the International Day of Victims of Enforced Disappearances, families of the disappeared have organised large scale protests across the North-East despite "an increasing clampdown on dissent by the Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist government," People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL) has reported.

The families of the disappeared have released a set of demands to the international community as they have lost faith in any domestic processes. The demands are:

- The release of any information on all currently detained political prisoners;

- Information on all those who were kidnapped and/or kept in refugee camps before and after the war and;

- The immediate release of any prisoner currently being detained.

While Tamil families, mostly women, have been campaigning for over a decade, they have been continuously protesting for over 1,250 days, demanding the fate of their relatives to be revealed. Since the beginning of their protests, over 73 relatives have passed away without knowing the fate of their loved ones.

Read more from PEARL here.                   

Existing political culture does not permit visionary leaders entering Parliament

The Cabinet of Ministers is headed by the President and Government policies are the decisions arrived at by the Cabinet, the highest decision-making body. Policies provide the road map for day-to-day operations. Without necessary policies and procedures we could see our country in complete chaos


Tuesday, 1 September 2020

Thomas Hobbes, an English philosopher, had articulated in his masterpiece ‘Leviathan’ (1651) a government as a device for ensuring collective security of citizens. According to Hobbes the purpose of a government is to enforce the law and ensure the common safeguards for the wellbeing of the people. Our Constitution had laid down in Chapter VI, the ‘Directive Principles of State Policy’. It provides the standards that everybody should observe for the creation of a just and free society.

The Parliament, the President and the Cabinet of Ministers are duly mandated to be guided by the said principles. The Constitution demands that there should be no unfairness or injustice caused to any citizen. Article 42 (2) requires that “The Cabinet of Ministers shall be collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament”. It is therefore the paramount duty of the Cabinet of Ministers to achieve efficient and effective policy coordination and more timely and productive implementation of government policy decisions in line with statutory requirements. 

Any government needs money to perform its role assigned to it by the people. The government therefore needs to collect and allocate its resources in an acceptable way from the economy in a sufficient and appropriate manner. The national budget is the main instrument through which these transactions are planned and carried out. Public expenditure management is a key instrument of government policy. 



The Cabinet of Ministers

The Cabinet of Ministers is required to ensure better Public Expenditure Management (PEM) trends to promote the achievement of three outcomes, namely aggregate fiscal discipline (keep government spending within sustainable limits), allocative efficiency (spend government resources on the right things only) and operational efficiency (delivery of public services at a reasonable quality and cost).

The whole purpose is to ensure the whole population gets the best buy for its money. Does that happen in Sri Lanka? The past governments and their cabinet of ministers have totally failed in this aspect. The MR Government had the largest cabinet in the whole world, which was a Guinness record – a destruction of public funds without any mercy at all. 

The Cabinet of Ministers is headed by the President. Government policies are the decisions arrived at by the Cabinet, the highest decision-making body. Such policies set out the procedures, rules, principles and guidelines for the Government. The policies should necessarily be drawn to enhance our lives, institutions, businesses, e.g. education, health, monetary, government debt, etc. Policies provide the road map for day-to-day operations. Without necessary policies and procedures we could see our country in complete chaos. 

The general public expects services to individuals, business and communities to be tailored to their particular needs. The President has already outlined for the government to take full advantage of technology to do government business better. All these lead to the procedures and conventions which dictates the “how”, “where”, and “when” the programmes, duties should be executed in different institutions island-wide. The government must rest assured that the citizens will be taken care of if something does happen. Using a policy management software could also be a better option.



Achieving greater coordination

Ministers and the government should work across organisational boundaries to achieve shared goals. They should develop comprehensive policy proposals to implement government policies in an integrated manner. Achieving greater coordination in policy implementation should be one of their high priorities in public administration. This is totally unknown in our country.

As we know, there are numerous names to describe these priorities such as joined-up government, connected government, policy coherence, networked government, horizontal management and whole of government. This arrangement should necessarily cover the three levels: national, provincial and local. Challenges facing the government such as managing drug issues, environmental destruction, and other intractable social problems in remote areas. These are complex issues, which need better attention. This is a top priority in our country.

The distinguishing characteristic of ‘whole of government’ work is that there is an emphasis on objectives shared across organisational boundaries, as opposed to working solely within an organisation. It should encompass the design and delivery of a wide variety of policies, programmes and services that cut-across organisational boundaries.

Furthermore, public sector reforms on improving efficiency and effectiveness have been overlooked for several decades. This too had paved the way for mismanagement of resources and waste of public funds. Devolution of power is a universal phenomena. The flexibility fostered by devolution should also be harnessed to explore innovative solutions to complex problems. It is therefore necessary to include relevant skills and culture, an information-sharing infrastructure. This type of governance arrangements should necessarily ensure accountability on the whole government outcomes as well. 

The ministries help the government to implement the policies based on the mandate given to the Government. The word “cabinet” derives from an Italian word “Cabinetto”, which means a small private room - an ideal place to discuss business matters, without being disturbed. James Madison, fourth President, a founding father of the USA, had used the term “the president’s cabinet”, for the first time.



A social contract

Why do we elect our representatives and invest all our powers and surrender our persons to a group of people? It is a “social contract”. They are bonded to serve the masters who elect them. Hence they are accountable to the electors – the citizens. As Leaders they should possess the vision to take the country forward. Unfortunately, the existing political culture does not permit visionary leaders to enter Parliament, for which the party leaders are totally responsible.

Abraham Lincoln had said: “Elections belong to the people. It is their decision. If they decide to turn their back on the fire and burn their behinds, then they will have to sit on their blisters”. Haven’t we done that for decades? We have just concluded two defining elections. The government now needs to wage war and accelerate measures to find smarter solutions for achieving the sustainable development goals. We, therefore, need to break the walls of poverty, corruption, misrule, including the walls that divide societies to establish – one nation and one country.

Do the Cabinet of Ministers in Sri Lanka have the leadership, the resources and smarter solutions? In Australia, to enhance efficiency, effectiveness and productivity of the Cabinet, the entire Cabinet operation has been directly brought under the Prime Minister, who is the Head of the Cabinet. The Prime Minister’s office is called the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet. The identical system is in operation in New Zealand and many other developed countries. The responsibilities of the Cabinet office are far and wide. 

In Australia, Prime Ministers for decades have undertaken the responsibility to promote efficiency and reforms across the territory through innovation, better procurement and project management and by transforming the delivery of services. A former Prime Minister Bob Hawke had said “We seek to strengthen the government everyday in every component of government machinery that needs improvements”. They also provide fresh thinking and sound advice to the government for running responsible governance, including the creation of an exceptional Civil Service.

The Executive President should take this responsibility on his shoulders. They should provide pragmatic solutions to problems so that Government policies can be effectively designed and implemented. They also work towards identifying and reducing financial losses through fraud and error; and reducing the cost of their administration. In developed countries, they have published manuals with all the guidelines for the Cabinet of Ministers. Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison in the Manual says: “As the primary decision-making body of government, Cabinet plays a central role in shaping the future of Australia.”

He had added that “Strong Cabinet government is integral for our success. Cabinet decisions should be the result of robust policy analysis, healthy debate and collaborative decision-making. We must also be steadfast in our shared commitment to the core Cabinet principles of solidarity and collective responsibility”.

He had also stated: “Our success will depend on continuing in the tradition of the best Cabinet governments. Ministers will hold themselves accountable for the decisions made by the Cabinet.” He had further insisted that the Cabinet ministers should always follow the policies and procedures set out in the Handbook. Shouldn’t our Cabinet Ministers do the same from now onwards? If so, we need not only the political will but also not for profit attitudinal change in our Cabinet Ministers. They may create strong resistance to change.



Constitutionally accountable

Our Ministers too are constitutionally accountable to the Parliament. As in the case of Australian Ministers, they too have been given all the necessary perks and benefits to devotedly carry out their duties for the benefit of the people. The Ministers are accountable for any overall adequacies of the decision-making process and the achievement of acceptable standards.

Could our Ministers ensure, at the very least, minimal standards of housing, education and health to the whole population? It means everybody is reasonably clothed, fed and housed. In harder times as present when Corona pandemic is causing endless misery minimum assistance for those in need. Can they upgrade the educational system – primary, secondary and tertiary- to produce people with required skills to run the society efficiently.

Could they ensure development that should encompass all aspects – economic, technological, organisational, and managerial? Could they, after all, ensure spiritual and material needs, both tangible and intangible? If all that could be done, we would then be able to remove the stigma - developing or the third world label from our country.

Are they aware of the ‘Flying Geese Pattern of Economic Development’ conceived by the Japanese Economist Kaname Akamatsu? The FG model teaches how to catch up processes of industrialisation in fledgling economies. The essence of the FG model encourages economic relationships with advanced countries as well. Furthermore, with extremely excessive debt rates, results are disastrous in our case. Debt has created added vulnerabilities and it has become a crisis.



Improving governance and public management 

Improving governance and public management is crucial to promote economic efficiency and policy effectiveness. It is presently not going to be easy. When independent Ceylon was born, we were at a very much stronger footing. Our numbskull rulers have pushed us into very difficult circumstances. The Constitution we got in 1947 was democratic. It established a vibrant democracy. The challenge was to develop democratic practices under the Constitution.

What did our rulers do? The “democratic institutions, supposedly designed to secure the common good through the power of an enfranchised public, seem powerless to stop all these. The power of ordinary people over their own lives has eroded from the 1970s onwards. An era of privatisation, deregulation and austerity created – only to the citizens. A deadly war, conflicts and serious economic and debt crisis have been created. Underlying this systemic crisis is a deficit of democracy.

It must be mentioned that most of the institutions discussed here are not new inventions. They have been developed through generations of popular struggle all over the world. Nevertheless, in our country, our Ministers in the exercise of their administrative powers have disregarded the fact that they are subject to review by the Auditor-General and even in courts or other institutions such as Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration (Ombudsman).



Such appeals for review, etc. could be arising from an injustice caused to aggrieved personnel. Ministers should therefore always fall within the scope of the power provided by legislation. If so, how do various types of crimes committed by the powerful go unpunished as a regular occurrence? Ministers in Sri Lanka go beyond their powers and change policies to suit their requirements to please their friends, relations and well-wishers. Ministers began pressurising the ministerial staff in the process of making complex or sensitive decisions. They did not allow due process. Ministers are therefore responsible for the break-down in the system. Shouldn’t they exercise their power with restraint to prevent organisational failure any further?

Owing to too many interferences, the entire governance system is flawed. It has been revealed that the intelligence personnel have duly informed the former President about the Easter Sunday explosions carried out on 21 April 2019 in three churches and three luxury hotels by suicide attackers. Nobody seems to have been made accountable to-date. Parliament, the all-powerful Cabinet of Ministers and rule of law have become impotent.

The Parliament and the Judiciary should be free from interference. They must be allowed to function independently in a democracy. Parliament as the representative of the ultimate sovereign – the people – must be free to set its agenda. Parliament should govern for the common good. Parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers are responsible for permitting running governance without the rule of law. They are the cause of our failure.



The rule of law

The rule of law signifies that everyone in society, irrespective of the position they hold, is subject to and is governed by law. The rule of law excludes the exercise of arbitrary power in all its forms. In a country without the rule of law and an independent Judiciary to enforce the law, there is no democracy. It is therefore obvious that the parliamentary autonomy and the rule of law are confined to the Constitution. It must be changed forthwith. Shouldn’t the government, therefore, commit itself to build a strong participatory democracy. It should be the core of our vision in our institutional building.

We now need leaders who know the importance of law. The rule of law strengthens society. It is a prerequisite to ensure growth. It must be mentioned Parliamentarians have been given special legal exemptions for them to carry out their duties without fear or favour and impartially. They are protected by parliamentary privileges. We have in present Parliament who voted in support of 17th, 18th and 19th Amendments in the Constitution. They are now arguing in favour of the 20th. This is deplorable.

Amending the Constitution and enacting laws to suit the government in power has become the order of the day. This kind of politics has ruined not only the credibility of parliamentarians but also the dignity of the Parliament itself. Who rummaged this country? The Parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers. Parliament had endorsed all inappropriate constitutional amendments, etc., under pressure – a rubber stamp for all purposes. 

Sadly, none of these actors has been made accountable to the Parliament, the courts and the citizenry. There have been a series of botched projects and expensive failures. Last year on Easter Sunday hundreds were killed having exploded suicide bombs. The Central Bank was allegedly robbed during broad daylight. Nobody seems to have been made accountable. Parliamentarians have been given extensive immunities for them to do their duties right and to protect the integrity of the process, particularly to punish the contemptible. The Parliament has also been given the powers to prevent publishing what has been expunged by the Speaker. Parliament has the powers to summon any citizen in the performance of the duties in Committees, etc.

Besides, we have also experienced a Chief Justice and many other judges have been dealt with for rendering unpopular decisions by the Parliament. Interference with judicial independence threatens judicial impartiality and public confidence in the administration of justice. All these have finally threatened constitutional order. It has been observed that the Judiciary respects parliamentary privileges. Similarly, the Parliament, the parliamentarians and members of the executive should also respect the judicial process and judicial independence.



Governance structure

In Australia, an Act to guide the governance, performance and accountability and the use and management of public resources have been introduced. The relevant Act covers the entire public sector institutions. This act illustrates a carefully laid-down governance structure to support and strengthen an efficient and effective delivery of government policies and programmes. The key elements of the framework include: 

  • A well-defined governance structure;
  • Comprehensive planning and reporting mechanism (including performance evaluation);
  • Well established arrangements for monitoring financial and service delivery;
  • Sound risk management practices;
  • A strong framework of standards for ethical conduct;
  • Commitment to engage stakeholders where appropriate;
  • Monitoring of performance against institutional goals and citizens grievances

The Gotabaya Government should strictly follow and be guided by traditions of the highest quality Cabinet governments the world over. In our representative government, we must adhere to the constitutional principle that Ministers are responsible to Parliament.



Ministers’ conduct

Another key issue in the Sri Lankan context is the fact that ministers have private interests. Ministers should not give rise to a conflict of interest with their public duties. Ministers need to be instructed to declare if they have any interest concerning any such matter under consideration by the Cabinet. Ministers should resign from director boards and should not leave room in any manner to undermine public confidence in them or the government. Transfer of interests to a spouse or dependent family member is not an acceptable alternative. 

Ministers should not accept any benefit which could be seen that the relevant minister is subject to improper influence. Ministers should not exercise their official powers and get undue benefit or advantage in any manner. Employing family members to personal staff should be discouraged. The relevant circulars must be enforced to the letter. Ministers should not leave room for criticism. They should set an example for everybody in the Public Service. They should not be allowed the acceptance of any payments, gratifications or commissions. 

In Australia too, numerous facilities have been provided to ministers at public expense. It is to facilitate them to carry out their official duties with efficiency and effectiveness. They are not permitted to use official entitlements for private purposes. Susanne Lee, former Health Minister was compelled to resign for misusing her facilities for air travel. It had been revealed that she had flown from Canberra to Gold Coast on three occasions stating official business, costing 3000 Aussie Dollars to purchase a luxury bungalow.

Official vehicles of Ministers should not be misused. Steps need to be taken to curtail corruption. They must be given clear guidelines not to waste public funds. Medical treatment should not be allowed overseas as they have been given full medical insurance cover at public expense. They could if necessary get treatment in private hospitals using insurance cover. 

Ministers and politicians should not request public servants to violate laws, rules, regulations etc. Public servants should not be involved in the political type of activities in any way. The Secretary to a Ministry is the Chief Accounting Officer. He is the chief advisor to the Minister on all matters about the Ministry. He is the CEO of the Ministry. He is required to be guided by Government Financial regulations. The question that arises is why the mandate given to the elected Government is not carried through after the elections are over.

In Australia, the Cabinet is a product of convention and practice. There is no reference whatsoever to a Cabinet of Ministers in the Australian Constitution. They have followed the conventions to the very letter and have prepared the Manual, which is a strict guideline for the Ministers for compliance. Manual specifies that the Ministers are accountable to Parliament and the people.



Public sector

The Public Management Committee, (PUMA), which is the governing body of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, has identified how to make the public sector dynamic; how do we equip it to respond to the challenges facing governments; how to equip it to respond to the challenges facing government; how to ensure that it implements public policy effectively and efficiently. The PUMA had recommended four main components:

  • Reporting and assessing new developments in public management;
  • Effective governance and the role of the state. How to strengthen policy-making; decision making and coordination capacities; how to renew confidence in government; how to review the roles and functions of government;
  • Performance and the management of resources. Benchmarking; programme evaluation; performance contracting; service quality; responsibilities across different levels of government; budgeting; financial management; management of human resources; public sector pay; and
  • Regulatory management and reform: Improving the quality of regulatory systems; alternatives to traditional regulations; reducing administrative burdens

In our case, our supreme law spells out that the Ministers are accountable. Yet, they escape without being dealt with by the law. All developed countries the world over, are successful because their leaders and others are held accountable for their misdeeds. Essentially, it is a commitment to be honoured on what has been agreed upon and to take ownership of the outcome. This concept is integral to organisational effectiveness. To be more effective and successful, we should ensure that all elected representatives at the national, provincial and local level are held accountable and that they should ensure successful delivery of the mission entrusted to them.

Politicians since the 1970s, who were not made accountable for their misdeeds had jeopardised the lives of people in millions in the country. They do not recognise the relationship among democracy, parliamentary best practices, freedom of information, public participation, effective checks and balances, sustainable development, the separation of powers as well as effective and efficient government institutions. 

They do not recognise that corruption gravely affects democratic political institutions and even the private sector. They have wiped out a large number of private industries that we had for many years since independence. They have destroyed the country’s most underprivileged groups. I would add, even the honest hard-working middle class. 

The Cabinet of Ministers, the Parliament, the Judiciary and for that matter the entire Government machinery had failed to do their duty for the last several decades purely owing to poor quality political leaders. The choice is yours.

 Sri Lanka’s ethnic and language issues as seen by historians



  • Although the Sinhala hero, Duttagamini or Duttagemunu fought and eliminated the Tamil prince, Elara, the Mahawamsa had portrayed Elara as a just ruler. Duttagamini admired Elara for being just to friend and foe alike. After building a memorial for the Tamil prince, Duttagamunu asked Sinhala Buddhists to worship at the place

1 September 2020 

It was not a surprise that Sri Lanka’s ethnic/language issue was raised on the very first sitting of the 9th Sri Lankan parliament on August 20 by C.V. Wigneswaran, the lone member of the radical Tamil Makkal Thesiya Koottani (TMTK). The issue was his stock in trade. And as expected, his speech kicked up a controversy. In his brief speech, he asserted the Tamils’ right to “self-determination” as per an international convention. He gave a grim warning about the consequences of following Sinhala majoritarian policies, and to top it all, asserted that Tamil is the original language of Sri Lanka.“I start my felicitations, Honourable Speaker, hailing you in my mother tongue (Tamil), the oldest living language of this world and the language of the first indigenous inhabitants of this country, and proceed in the link language,” said Wigneswaran in the opening para.The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB)MP, Manusha Nanayakkara, demanded that Wigneswaran’s speech be expunged from the Hansard, and the Minister of Energy Udaya Gammanpila challenged Wigneswaran’s claim about Tamil’s antiquity. The ruling coalition’s MP claimed that the Tamils themselves believed that the Tamil language was born around the 3rd century BC and that according to linguists, Greek, Arabic, Chinese and Basque languages were the oldest languages in the world.  

Historians Not So Cut and Dry


However, historians and archaeologists do not have such cut and dry views. Renowned Sri Lankan historians and archaeologists like K.Indrapala, Shiran  Deraniyagala, Leslie Gunawardena and Sudarshan Seneviratne contend that Sri Lanka has been multi-ethnic and multi-cultural from prehistoric times.They say that the Sinhalese and Tamils are from the same “South Indian-Sri Lankan (SISL) gene pool.”They reject the “mass migration” or “invasion theory” so popular among colonial and post-colonial historians. Invasions have not been the dominant mode of movement, they say. According to these scholars, people, cultures, languages, religions, artifacts and technologies moved in small ways from place to place over long periods of time.And these movements were not always been in one direction as ethno-religious extremists think.   


In his seminal work, The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity: The Tamils of Sri Lanka: C 300 BCE to C 1200 BCE (The South Asian Studies Centre, Sydney 2005, Prof K Indrapala says that the present-day territories of Sri Lanka and South India comprised a single region in which the pre-historic ancestors of Sri Lankans and South Indians roamed freely. At that time, the sea was not a divider but was a unifier.   


The Tamils have been in the island of Sri Lanka since long, Indrapala says.”The earliest inscriptions and the early Pali chronicles attest to the presence of the Tamils (Damedas/Damelas) in the EIA (Early Iron Age). The Demedas in Sri Lanka in the centuries BCE (Before Common Era or AD) need not, therefore, be considered as outsiders,” he asserts.   


The Ila (or Hela or Sila as the ancient Sri Lankan inhabitants were known) moved back and forth between Sri Lanka and South India just as the Demeda or Demela (Tamils) did.  


“The idea of looking upon the Demedas as aliens was surely not prevalent in the Early Historical Period (EHP),”Indrapala says, pointing out that the earliest Sri Lankan chronicle, Deepavamsa, does not refer to the Damila rulers of Anuradhapura, Sena and Guttaka, as invaders. Nor does the Mahawamsa, the most important ancient Sinhala chronicle.The Mahawamsa describes Sena and Guttaka as ‘sons of a horse-freighter’ (assanaavikaputta). Furthermore, Sena and Guttaka, who had ruled Anuradhapura for 22 years, were described in the Mahavamsa as having ruled “justly”,  Indrapala says.  Although the Sinhala hero, Duttagamini or Duttagemunu fought and eliminated the Tamil prince, Elara, the Mahawamsa had portrayed Elara as a just ruler. Duttagamini admired Elara for being just to friend and foe alike. After building a memorial for the Tamil prince, Duttagamunu asked Sinhala Buddhists to worship at the place.   


Political, Economic and Cultural Symbiosis


Sinhala and Tamils kings of Sri Lanka and South India cooperated in peace and war, the historian says. It was not uncommon for a Sinhala king of Anuradhapura to seek the help of a Tamil prince in South India in war or to gain a throne. Sinhala kings routinely recruited Tamil mercenaries from South India. Many of these settled down in the island.Likewise, Sinhala princes aligned with Tamil Nadu rulers in the latter’s internecine wars.In the reign of the Sinhala king Sena II (853-887 AD) a Sinhala army sided with the Pallavas and defeated the Pandya king.The Sinhala king placed his favorite Pandya prince on the throne in Madurai.Later, after the ascendancy of the Cholas, the Sinhala kings sided with the Pandyas to contain the aggressive Cholas.  


In times of peace, the Sinhalas of Sri Lanka and South Indian Tamils cooperated in a variety of activities including the building of irrigation tanks in Anuradhapura and Trincomalee. Leslie Gunawardana has written extensively on South India Sri Lanka (SISL) cooperation in irrigation works.Tamil merchants in Sri Lanka contributed their mite to the building of these facilities. According to archaeologists, Megalithic folk from South India had brought to Sri Lanka the domesticated rice plant and taught Sri Lankans the use of iron.  


Unifying role of Sanskritization


“Sanskritization”, which is the adoption of North Indian Sanskritic linguistic, religious, cultural and social traits, has been a unifier both in South India and Sri Lanka. However, Sanskritization touched the Sinhalese more. According to Indrapala, the harbingers of Sanskritization were Brahmin and Kshatriya immigrants. Sinhala rulers adopted Sanskrit names, traced dynastic links to North Indian ancestors; made Brahmins their spiritual gurus and political advisors; and gave gifts of land to create Brahmin villages called Brahmadeyas.The Buddhist rulers of Anuradhapura unwittingly aided the Hindu/Tamil Saivite movement by patronizing Brahmins and Hindu temples.  
Buddhism was also a unifier. In the period before aggressive Chola  Saivism, when Buddhism was a major religion in South India, including Tamil Nadu, many Tamil Buddhist monks, with knowledge of Prakrit and Pali, were closely interacting with Sri Lankan monks and contributing to the corpus of Buddhist literature. In a major Buddhist university in Hikkaduwa, knowledge of Tamil was considered essential.  


Change Came in the 13th Century


According to Indrapala, it was not until 1200 AD that the Sinhalese and Tamils emerged as distinct ethnic groups identified with distinct territories – the Tamils identified with the North and the East, and the Sinhalese with the rest of the island.Eventually, the geographic proximity of North Sri Lanka to South India resulted in South Indian culture, language and practices having a greater influence in the Sri Lankan North (and East) than in 
the South.  


Assimilation 


There was also a process of cultural, linguistic, religious and ethnic assimilation which was going on and is still going on. The Tamils who lived in the southern parts of the island were assimilated into the Sinhalese population. In a parallel movement, the Sinhala speakers living in the North and East, were assimilated by the dominant Tamil ethnic group, Indrapala says.  


He argues that through a process of language replacement, the north Indian Prakrit dialects spread among the vast majority of the people in the Center and the South paving the way for the evolution of Sinhalese, while Tamil became the dominant language in some parts of the island leading to the emergence of Sri Lankan Tamil.   
In the beginning, Buddhism was common to both the Sinhalese and Tamils. Later it got associated with the Sinhalese exclusively. In the 11th Century, the rule of the Cholas in the Coromandel Coast in South India paved the way for the rise of Saivism among the Tamils. Eventually, Buddhism disappeared completely among the Sri Lankan Tamils. Over time, religion, in addition to language, became a marker of ethnic identity, with Sinhalese speakers being identified with Buddhism and the Tamil speakers becoming identified with Hinduism or Saivism to be precise.   

 The President’s Policy Statement: Mixed Messages & Mixed-Up Priorities

By Rajan Philips –

Rajan Philips

logoPresident Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Policy Statement that was presented to Parliament on August 19, is more a validation of his nine months in office than a road map for the rest of his mandate. Remarkable for its lack of rhetorical flourish, at least in its English version, the statement has about nine themes to it. The statement is not at all incoherent, but there are internal contradictions and tensions between priorities, which are indicative of the multiple pressures that the President has to accommodate and become more like a ‘traditional politician’ than an outsider doing politics differently. What is glaringly lacking, however, is any indication of the government’s, or the President’s, honest understanding of the twin challenges facing the country – Covid-19 and the economic doldrums; and any indication of some urgency of purpose in guiding the country through the two challenges.

One would have thought that focusing on these two challenges would be consistent with the President’s strengths and his cultivated reputation as a no-nonsense doer. Instead, as the Policy Statement indicates the President seems to be either constrained to be drawn, or willingly wade into cultural and constitutional distractions. The Statement opens with the satisfaction of  two back-to-back victories (in November and in August), and the not unjustifiable assertion that the people are satisfied with what the President and the government have done over the last nine months.    

The people “are impressed with the way,” the statement says, that the country has been “governed during the past nine months despite various obstacles.” And they “appreciate the change taking place in the political culture of this country,” the statement adds. What is this change in the political culture? The term comes up again briefly (as theme #5) in the Statement, with the assertion that the SLPP government is “working towards a significant transformation of the political culture of this country.” And the Statement goes on to say: 

“After I assumed office as the President, changing the existing system, a methodical procedure was introduced to appoint heads of Government institutions whereby qualifications of prospective appointees were examined through a panel of experts. A well-experienced team of professionals, entrepreneurs and academics was appointed instead of relatives, acquaintances, and followers. This policy will continue in the future as well.”

The COVID shuffle

This change of culture is certainly not evident in the manner in which Dr. Anil Jasinghe was shuffled from the Ministry of Health to the Ministry of the Environment. As Director-General of Health Services (DGHS), Dr. Jasinghe had become the face of Sri Lanka’s response to Covid-19 not only within Sri Lanka, but also internationally as a Vice Chair of the World Health Organization. Why pull him out of his professional job and post him as Secretary to the Ministry of the Environment, in the middle of a global pandemic whose future trajectory is still as uncertain as it has been from the time it began nine months ago? 

Dr. Jasinghe seems to be taking the kick upstairs in his stride without missing a step. All the best to him, and there is no point in praising him too much and causing him unnecessary problems with his political masters. But the point here is about the government’s thinking and its claim about a new political culture. Reliable news reports have alluded to corridor whispers in the Health Ministry that Dr. Jasinghe may have run afoul of powerful people who do not like breaking routines and hierarchy even in a public health emergency. The story also raises doubt if the next in line to fill Dr. Jasinghe’s void, Dr. Amal Harsha De Silva, will be given the promotion for which he is well qualified. The million dollar question in the ministry circles apparently is whether Dr. Harsha de Silva “will be given what he deserves.” So far, there has been no appointment to Dr. Jasinghe’s old position.    

These bureaucratic shenanigans were expected to disappear once Gotabaya Rajapaksa became President. But they have not. And they fly in the face of the President’s assurance that the government is working towards transforming the country’s old political culture.  What was the “methodical procedure” that was followed before transferring Dr. Jasinghe? And which panel of experts reviewed and recommended the transfer of Dr. Jasinghe? 

And there is a different panel – the very ecclesiastical, if not otherworldly, “advisory council comprising leading Buddhist monks to (seek) advice on governance,” that the President has set up along with the establishment of the Archaeological Task Force. The President (theme #2) describes  these appointments as  furtherance of the constitutional duty of the State “to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana.” I am not aware of any former President making such a linkage. The President’s rationale is that – by “ensuring priority for Buddhism, it is now made clear to the people that freedom of any citizen to practice the religion of his or her choice is better secured.” And further that “as representatives of the people, we always respect the aspirations of the majority. It is only then that the sovereignty of the people can be safeguarded.”

There is nothing wrong, or objectionable (who is to object anyway), about the President acting to protect and foster Buddhist thought and teaching, especially if that is the only way in Sri Lanka to secure the religious freedoms of others. And there is no point in quibbling about the incongruence between the aspirations of the majority, on the one hand, and the sovereignty of the people, on the other. What is pertinent to ask is whether what is done to foster Buddhism or further the aspirations of the majority –  should overlap and interfere with the mundane tasks of governance, and rational decision making on matters of public health, national economy, and the constitution? 

Repeating history

Soon after assuming office the President won copious kudos for his appointments to government institutions, Banks, Boards and Corporations – from the Central Bank to the Jaffna Provincial Council, and a host of them in between. Those good early starts would seem to have got derailed now. And the derailment is not going unnoticed. A recent satirical letter to the media entitled, “An unsolicited manifesto for ‘Viyathmaga’ State Ministers”, is indicative of early frustrations among those who may have been expecting a different style of politics. In the old days, it used to be said that rural masses vote governments into power and working classes throw them out. Periodical elections and government changes were the norm in Sri Lanka. The fundamental terms of the political dynamic have not changed, even though the terms of government have got extended under the presidential system. It is one thing to win elections based on the aspirations of the majority, but it is quite a different challenge for a government to satisfy the material needs of the same and however aspiring majority. The material needs cannot get anymore basic than they are today: protection from the pandemic and the protection of jobs.         

The Statement (themes 3 & 4) highlights how the government has restored national security to secure levels after the 2019 Easter debacle, and its “launch of the methodical mechanism to protect the people against social evils” such as underworld crime and drug mafia rule. Sri Lankans are assured that “a virtuous and a law-abiding society is emerging as (we) promised.” The emergence of a virtuous and law-abiding society will be welcomed by everyone. The rub, however, is whether everyone will equally abide by  the law, and whether everyone, even those who have died or disappeared, will receive equal protection from it.  And whether those who have been wronged before, in the so called emblematic cases, will ever receive justice? The new Minister of Justice has inherited a judicial minefield, and one can only wish him well without throwing critical grenades at him. 

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