Mullaitivu Press Club condemn brutal assault and torture of Tamil journalist

Photo by ethili.te

28 November 2021

Mullaitivu Press Club has condemned the brutal assault and torture of journalist Viswalingham Viswachandran for taking a photo of a Mullivaikkal road sign.

Viswachandran was beaten by four Sri Lankan military personnel who used palmyra sticks wrapped with barbed wire. The journalist was severely beaten and had his camera and phone seized and had his motorcycle damaged. He suffered serious injuries and was later admitted into Mullaitivu hospital.

Mullaitivu Press Club chide the assault as "yet another [attack] on media freedom and a serious human rights violation". They further add that journalists in the "North and East are subjected to serious challenges amidst severe threats to their lives and profession".

"Whilst attacks against Tamils journalists continue unabated complaints even up to the President have gone unattended. This culture of impunity continues to put journalists and freedom of expression into serious hardship. if action had been taken earlier and the guilty held accountable such continued action against journalists would not continue" the statement read.

The statement also stressed that "the Sri Lankan government continues its policy of stifling press freedom and the right to information by intimidating and harassing journalists and media houses as police and military continue their hard-line stand on targeting journalists even on flimsy reasons".

The Press Club further condemned the abduction and forced disappearance of 44 Tamils journalists and lack of accountability.

The statement concluded by noting:

"The Mullaitivu journalists association and the press club strongly condemn the brutal attack on journalists whose only aim is to inform the public of the events happening in the respective areas. We also call upon those interested in press freedom, international bodies to interfere and ensure that journalists are safe and continue to their profession without any hindrance".

Read the full letter below.

Getting it right on human rights

 

By Jehan Perera- 2021/11/30

Twice every year, the situation in the North and East of the country resembles that which existed during the three decades of war. One occasion is during 18-19 May, which is the anniversary of the end of the war in 2009. The other is 26-27 November, which used to be celebrated by the LTTE as Heroes Day, when they remember their war dead. Even though the war ended 12 years ago, these two days have the capacity to mobilise the sentiments of the Tamil people, particularly in the North and East and to generate an equivalent opposite reaction in the government, which leads to a heightened military presence. The period 2015-19, in which the government actively sought to promote a reconciliation process that gave more leeway to Tamil sentiment was one of de-escalation.

The wounds of war remain unhealed as the events of the past week have shown. The week leading up to 27 November saw people and organised groups in the North and East preparing to commemorate the war dead and the government preparing to forestall it. Police sought to get prohibition orders from the courts in the hope that the law would prevent the commemoration events from taking place. However, most of the courts did not oblige, and reaffirmed the basic rights to freedom of association and to remember the dead. They also ordered that no LTTE symbols could be displayed and refused to place further limits on the right to memorialise, except to the need to keep within Covid health guidelines. The right to remember is a human right, which the JVP practices faithfully every year, and the law setting up the Office of Reparations offers support to memorialisation.

Despite the presence of a large contingents of security forces in public places, and checkpoints and partrolling, remembrance events took place in most areas in public places and cemeteries, with people lighting lamps and candles. In some places memorials took place in the face of soldiers standing near to them with guns in hand. In other places the large numbers who gathered were not permitted to enter the area they wished to go to, and only a few were permitted in with the rest of them standing out. In many other parts of the North and East more low-key commemorations took place. Due to the heavy security presence and the fear of harassment, intimidation and detention, many opted to hold memorial events in their homes. A journalist was hospitalised after he was allegedly assaulted for taking a photograph of the name-board of the site where the last battle of the war was fought. This suggests the use of arbitrary power.

 

INTERNATIONAL CENSURE

The heavy-handed actions in the North and East take place at a time when the government is also trying hard to impress the international community that it is serious about improving the human rights situation in the country. The international perception that the human rights situation in the country is deteriorating is very strong. Recently the famous Scotland Yard, which had been training the Sri Lankan police said that they will not renew their training contract with the country’s police force during the remainder of the agreed period, which ends in March 2022. They cited human rights concerns. In recent days, the Bar Association of Sri Lanka and human rights organisations have protested against the deaths in police custody of those accused of drug and other criminal offences. The cessation of training by Scotland Yard is liable to make a bad situation even worse.

However, the Scotland Yard decision is in keeping with the overall international assessment of human rights in Sri Lanka. In its latest report on the global human rights situation, the UK’s Annual Human Rights and Democracy Report issued in July 2021 stated Sri Lanka is among the 31 Human Rights Priority Countries. The January 2021 report on Sri Lanka by the Office of the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) expressed deep concern over “trends emerging over the past year, which represent clear early warning signs of a deteriorating human rights situation and a significantly heightened risk of future violations”. The report further stated that “Security forces increased their surveillance and intimidation of human rights activists and their use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, with a number of arbitrary arrests. The government proposed new regulations with powers to arrest and send individuals to rehabilitation centres to be ‘de-radicalised’ with no judicial oversight or requirement for further process.”

In June this year the EU parliament gave an early warning that its GSP Plus duty free tax privilege would be withdrawn as a last resort unless Sri Lanka demonstrated that it was serious about keeping to its commitment to uphold human rights. This is an economic benefit that the Sri Lankan economy cannot afford to lose when foreign exchange earnings are much lower than the demand for it and there is a shortage of dollars in the market and new strains of the Covid virus threaten to strike. While the EU resolution states that 12 years on from the end of the war, domestic initiatives for accountability and reconciliation have repeatedly failed to produce results, thus more deeply entrenching impunity and exacerbating victims’ distrust in the system, the EU has indicated that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) as it currently stands is central to what is unacceptable to them.

 

INDEPENDENT MONITORING

The government is currently in the process of amending the PTA. It appointed both a committee consisting of senior government officials headed by Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne to submit a report on the PTA, which they have done. Now that report is being vetted by a ministerial subcommittee headed by Foreign Minister Professor G L Peiris who are seeking the views of other sections of society. This past weekend they met with civil society members in the form of the Sri Lankan Collective for Consensus (SLCC), which consists of individuals drawn from civil society organisations that have reconciliation, human rights and peace building aims in their work. Prof Peiris explained that there was no draft legislation as yet to share but only a set of proposals which they wished to discuss with civil society and other groups.

Prof Peiris explained that the changes to PTA proposed were a result of consensus between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Justice and Defence and the Attorney General’s Department; these changes are not conceived as one time ones, but as a part of a continuum, there being other changes contemplated that will be agreed on later. He also assured the members of SLCC that changes in legislation will be rapid, and take place early next year. The changes proposed will fall short of expectations of those whose primary concern is human rights, but are an improvement over the present formulation of the PTA. The salient amendments described in the verbal presentation made by Prof Peiris was the shortening of the maximum period of the detention order, restriction in the use of PTA, judicial oversight, supervision by magistrates of detainees, access to lawyers by those detained, speedy trials and repeal of Section 14 with regard to publication. Prof Peiris promised that this was only the start.

The question, and the challenge, will be in the implementation. The present spate of killings in police custody is distressing. In one instance, the lawyers for the person under arrest had warned beforehand that their client will be killed in the next day or days in a shootout, and appealed to the Bar Association and to the police IGP to protect that person’s life but to no avail. All systems collapse and no perpetrator is identified and so there is impunity. In a statement the Bar Association said “Once again, the Sri Lanka Police is involved in an incident which has the hallmarks of an extra judicial killing. This killing comes at a time that Sri Lanka’s human rights record is under scrutiny and there are threats of consequences to the country and its economy as a result of the deteriorating human rights situation…Responsibility for these killings must lie not only with the persons who carried out the killings but also all those who command them and those who failed to ensure the safety and security of the suspect. The BASL calls upon the IGP to explain his failure to protect the suspect who was in Police custody.” There are other changes that need to be made, the most important of which is the need for a system of checks and balances that works and the Sri Lankan state to consider all its citizens to be precious.

 

The Prevention of Terrorism Act will not be repealed, Sri Lanka Govt tells NGO group

By Sri Lanka Brief-29/11/2021

Foreign Minister Prof G L Peiris has told a self-styled  NGO group Sri Lankan Collective for Consensus (SLCC) that the Prevention of Terrorism Act will not be repealed but some changes will be introduced in early 2022.

Sri Lanka has promised  the international community that  PTA will be replaced with a new act in accidence with international best practices. During the previous government a draft  Counter Terrorism Act of 2018 (CTA) was proposed but it was withdrawn due to many reasons.

In June this year the European parliament adopted a resolution June 10 calling for the repeal of Sri Lanka’s Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and calling the European Union (EU) Commission to consider temporarily withdrawing Sri Lanka’s access to the Generalised Scheme of Preferences Plus (GSP+) concession.

The statement issued by SLCC follows:

The Ministerial Subcommittee on amending the Prevention of Terrorism Act met with members of the Sri Lankan Collective for Consensus (SLCC) on to discuss the current state of their proposals. SLCC consists of individuals drawn from civil society organisations that have reconciliation, human rights and peace building aims in their work.

Chairman of the Subcommittee, Foreign Minister Prof G L Peiris said there was no draft legislation as yet to share but only a set of proposals which they wished to discuss with civil society and other groups. He stated that there would be no repeal of PTA as there is a continuing need for it due to security issues.  He explained there was a need for balance between personal liberty and freedom and the need for national security.

The noteworthy amendments described in the verbal presentation made by Prof Peiris consisted of the following:

8. Detention orders:  The period of validity of a detention order would be reduced from 18 months to 12 months
9. Restricted use of PTA:  The IGP has issued clear instructions to police officers not to have recourse to the PTA as a regular mode of arrest or as a short cut.  The norm should be to investigate with the use of the normal law. They should only use PTA in exceptional circumstances when adequate evidence is found in investigation and if national security issues arise in the process of investigations
10. Supervision by magistrates:  It will be mandatory for magistrates to visit the place of detention and to personally ensure the welfare of detained persons.  The Human Rights Commission should/ will be informed of such detention.  Magistrates will be empowered to direct the IGP to investigate if any evidence of torture is found.  In such a situation the Attorney General will institute criminal proceedings
11. Judicial oversight:  The person detained will have access to judicial appeal through Article 126 of the constitution (Fundamental Rights jurisdiction of Supreme Court) and Article 140 (Writ jurisdiction of Appeal Court).  This will be spelled out in the law so that there is no ambiguity.  This will be the first time in the four decade long history of PTA that detention orders can be legally challenged
12. Access to lawyer: The person detained will have the right to access a lawyer and to visits by family members.  This will be a statutory right so that there is no discretion in the matter
13. Repeal of Section 14 of PTA:  This prohibits publication of any statement made by the detainee or with regard to the investigation
14. Speedy trial:  Trials of PTA cases will take place on a daily basis until completed to avoid delays.  The Chief Justice has already directed that PTA cases should be expedited
15. Advisory Board:  This has been set up under Section 13 of the PTA. Chaired by retired Chief Justice Asoka de Silva it has already recommended the release of 26, 8 and 6 prisoners on three occasions.  The Advisory Board is expected to make recommendations and advise the President on the investigation, release, granting of bail and future action related to the persons imprisoned over terrorist activities and detained under detention orders

Prof Peiris explained that the changes to PTA proposed were a result of consensus between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Justice and Defence and the Attorney General’s Department; these changes are not conceived as one-off ones, but as a part of a continuum, there being  other changes contemplated that will be agreed on later.  He also assured that changes in legislation will be rapid, and take place early next year.

No written documents were provided to the SLCC either before or during the meeting.  However, SLCC presented a position paper of our own to the ministerial subcommittee which provides the principles underlying and restraining the PTA which we wish to have incorporated into the amended PTA (see attached).

On our part, among others, we highlighted the following:

1. Arbitrary arrests need to be ended.  An example was given from Batticaloa where 10 civilians including a mother of two had been taken under PTA for commemoration of their dead relatives.

2. The period prior to indictment should be considered under the normal law, and hence the judicial officers had power to bail out detainees, as decided in the Pathmanathan case by the Supreme Court and magistrates to be apprised accordingly

3. When detainees are sent to other districts on remand there is lack of communication and cross checking which can be rectified by video links for communication

4. All actions with regard to detention need to be judicial rather than executive or administrative

We were mindful that as we were being briefed by the Ministerial subcommittee on November 27, family members and others who sought to commemorate Martyrs Day of fallen LTTE cadres were being forcibly prevented by the security forces and arrests and assaults took place.  SLCC therefore stresses the importance of national reconciliation taking place in a larger environment that is respectful of human rights.

SLCC expressed appreciation of the subcommittee’s initiative to engage with a group of CSOs at this briefing session.  We said we looked forward to further discussions once the government legislation had emerged in a draft form.  We also requested the subcommittee to engage with other CSOs which had evinced much keenness to do so.  Chairman of the subcommittee Prof G L Peiris invited interested CSOs to make written submissions without delay to the subcommittee for consideration.

 

Sri Lanka Collective for Consensus (SLCC)

Signed by:

Ven. Kalupahana Piyaratana                                                  Prof. T. Jayasingam

Rev. Asiri Perera (Retired President/ Bishop)                     Prof. Tudor Silva

Rev. Fr. C.G. Jeyakumar                                                           Mr. Hilmy Ahamed

Mr. Rohana Hettiarachchi                                                      Mr. V. Kamaladhas

Dr. Joe William                                                                         Mr.S. Wimalagunarathna

Dr. Dayani Panagoda                                                               Ms. Visaka Dharmadasa

Dr. Jehan Perera                                                                       Mr. Javid Yusuf

Ms. Sarah Arumugam

The Sri Lankan Collective for Consensus is a group of individuals drawn from multiple sectors of society, religion, academia, and non-governmental organisations.  They are committed to a Sri Lanka that is founded on ideals of pluralistic coexistence, human rights, and justice.

 Let The Rulers Go To Hell & The Country Forward

By Vishwamithra –NOVEMBER 28, 2021

“There are far too many silent sufferers. Not because they don’t yearn to reach out, but because they’ve tried and found no one who cares.” Richelle E. Goodrich

To put it mildly, the country’s situation is murky at best. The government’s popularity is being measured in days and weeks, not months or years. The declining economic conditions and increasing cost of living have become the order of the day. It does appear to be much darker than during the period we suffered under the leadership of Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Felix Dias in the ’70 to ’77 era.

Yet there is a stark and inescapable difference in that the status of the then Opposition and what is present or, in fact, absent today- leadership! JR Jayewardene was a unique leader. His engagement in politics was not another pastime as it is for the present-day tricksters. He brought the grassroots of the United National Party (UNP) to the streets. Not in a haphazard way like the present day Opposition leaders do, but in a carefully thought-out way, in accordance with a clearly planned out strategy; he unleashed the yet unforeseen forces of the mass-hysteria in a sustained and controlled aggression. Each and every demonstration he organized, from the Attanagalle protest march to the one organized in the vicinity of Ruwanveli Seya and Sri Maha Bodhiya in Anuradhapura, to the one hundred political meetings on the same day and the boycott of the Lakehouse newspapers, were all tremendously consequential events of a well-crafted strategy and planing.

The events and planning tools are still there in our midst, yet no political leader of the present lot has made use of them. Political and its drastic consequences and contexts have changed, yet the fundamentals remain the same. It is, in short, a marketing exercise that attempts to sell one’s point of view to a market that is eve-ready to buy it if the substance and coating appear pleasant and consumable.

J R did not do these things by himself; his planning and strategizing was not a result of a one-man show. Great minds such as G V P Samarasinghe, N G P Panditharatne, Daham Wimalasena, R Premadasa, Gamini Dissanayake, Ronnie de Mel, Nissanka Wijeratne and Lalith Athulathmudali were all working overtime to produce such an efficient and a productive agenda. The United National Party, which was branded by its opponents such as Dr N M Perera, Colvin R de Silva and of course, the Bandaranaikes, as a tool of the ‘rich man’s party saw its dramatic transformation into a serious school of political thought of the rural masses.

But such indulgence in the past glory is futile and mind-destroying now. As was stated above, the context has changed dramatically and the speed at which news and information travels has made it almost mandatory that those who seek political power need to be tech-educated to keep abreast of all what is taking place around them.

Yet being tech-savvy alone would not deliver the desired results for the politicos. Identifying the current issues that drive the electorate towards the polling booth on election day and vote for the policies and principles as declared in their respective manifestos becomes increasingly complicated. In this particular context what matters almost everywhere democracy exists, where the electoral representative system and its brutal machinations work, a clever politician would be able to be micro-strategic and plan and execute a campaign in order to polarize the electorate along simple and tangible thresholds so that that particular segment of the electorate forms a majority whose interests are not only identifiable with their manifesto, but also make sure that they are the ones who constitute the larger part of the line at the polling booth on D-day, so to speak.

This process is bound to be engaged by the current ruling family; their manipulations and crafty methods do not need any introductions; only fine-tuning and finessing need to be attended to. A clumsy set of rulers whose sole aim and purpose is to bleed the country white and ransack its coffers must be getting busy in their most cruel and wicked ways now. However, time does not seem to be on their side of the fence. Material conditions of the country is spiraling down the drain; its economic life is at its last gasp; their parliamentarians cannot go back to their electorates and the wrath of the masses is awaiting them like a pack of angry wolves.

In a country where the average housewife’s daily routine does not deviate from her morning prayers in the in-house shrine room, where physical injury to their worst enemy is not in their thought process come what may, where the children’s hunger is satiated and clothing up to satisfactory standards, a foreboding sense of hopelessness has descended across the landscape. All avenues seem to fade into a blur; the only greeting waiting for the arrival of government parliamentarians and their henchmen seems not very far from where the broomstick is stacked in their household.

The partial and lackadaisical participation on the part of the official Opposition is an unmistakable shame. Leadership is absent; motivation is non-existent and still the voluntary involution of the masses seems to have overtaken the so-called political leaders. In such a barren field where principled engagement of the people at large is occurring due to some ordinary yet extraordinary private individuals, the collective effort might pose a dangerous threat to the ‘Family’. Against such an unpredictable backdrop, in the light of such a looming catastrophic scenario, where does the nation’s conscience reside? Will the voice of the masses be articulated and heard?

In a desolate rural landscape, Surangani, studying for her final year Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree, has decided to suspend her studies and is entertaining ideas of forming her own group of like-minded men and women to give leadership to a hapless community of ‘Pohottuwa’ supporters against the current ‘First Family’ whose priorities are much more akin to the Borgias and Neros and Caligulas of ancient Rome.

Somadasa came to occupy the Mahaweli land in the early nineteen eighties when he was in his early thirties. Now he is a grandfather of two beautiful children whose secondary school is located in the township that was built around the same time. His son went to Italy in search of better employment and continued to send a meager amount of foreign money to his wife. Now that remittance has come to a halt after the Covid pandemic hit worldwide. Two families are now dependent on the Mahaweli land but the fertilizer fracas managed to disturb the regular cultivation pattern which Somadasa was used to since he obtained the land. Somadasa worked for the election campaign of the sitting MP who has now become a Minister. His access to the Minister is no more. And Somadasa is sad and angry.

Yamuna who was recruited to government service through the graduate scheme has got bogged down in a Development Officer’s job which has nothing to do with development of any kind; her pay is paltry, hardly sufficient to provide her with three meals a day after paying boarding fees to an unpleasant landlady in the suburbs of Colombo. Yamuna’s entertainment has come down to naught and it’s even more heart-wrenching to find out that her boarding partner is now coming home quite late at night heralding even stranger and unbelievable stories of she becoming a lady of the evening!

Wherever one looks, one sees loss of access to basic amenities; one sees empty landscapes and under-watered paddy fields; a people nostalgic of the past, confused of the present and hopeless about their future. Those who have some savings are more frightened about their meager savings disappearing than the advent of a third or fourth variant of the Covid kind.

The story of Surangani is much more akin to the tale of Vasanthi in Jaffna; the hopelessness of Somadasa is even more greatly felt by Kadiresan in Point Pedro and Kamalawathi, a resident in Chavakachcheri, is angrier and her desolation sharper than that of Yamuna. It doesn’t matter whether one lives in which part of the land, North, South, East or West, anger and loss of hope have found dwelling in all citizenry of Sri Lanka.

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Omicron, a deadly COVID-19 variant?

Omicron variant known as B1.1, 529 was first detected in Southern Africa only some days ago, where vaccination rates are low.

by Victor Cherubim-November 30, 2021

I have spent the better part of the day with my search of Omicron, it seems that everything I read and everything people, scientists, Governments say to clear up the confusion, only confuses matters more.

Although I don’t entirely feel at one with all the ideas floating around, chances are at least one thing is becoming clear, no one has died of Omicron. I am sure my readers will say that it is too early to say that Omicron is not as dangerous as Delta, Alpha or the other known variants around the world.

Given that the Omicron variant has been detected at a faster rate than previous surges in infection, it does suggest that it has a growth advantage. However, there are some encouraging early signs about Omicron, despite the ghastly spike protein.

We are told Omicron like the Alpha variant has a specific mutation in part of the “S gene” which makes it easier for PCR tests to identify whether a patient has the variant, thus easier to track. I think South African epidemiologists should be praised for the speed with which they shared the “discovery” of Omicron with the world.

Omicron variant known as B1.1, 529 was first detected in Southern Africa only some days ago, where vaccination rates are low. Wealthy nations have in some way failed to share the “vaaci nation” as it were a nation’s reserve currency, without sharing it adequately to boost world vaccination rates, while extending their vaccination programme to children and giving booster roll out to anyone in their own nation to the over forty years old. Each nation, although joined together as members of the World Health Organisation (WHO) acted more or less unilaterally. There was a lot of talk about herd immunity, but little if anything was done, to expect “another variant of the unvaccinated”.

Omicron is our Christmas gift?

Today, Omicron is news, more than it creates panic stations, still more, as we approach some two years since first reports of COVID-19 pandemic arrived.We are geared in our minds to accept the worst, and as if what affects one part of the world does not affect others. Since Covid-19 we have become “Islanders”.

The research in Italy over the weekend has produced the first image of the new strain showing it has 50 mutations, double the number of the Delta variant, which is the current dominant variant. 

What is worrying some scientists is “30 of these mutations are of the “spike protein” and half of those are in the receptor binding domain– the parts that binds to the ACE 2 receptor on human cells through which the virus enters tissues.” What is revealed is not of much knowledge either to me or any layman.

What we as laypersons know, came during this morning (29 November 2021) Press interview by First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon of Scotland, who stated “Existing vaccines may be less effective, but are still effective against Omicron”. But Scientists maintain we will only prevent variants of COVID-19 from emerging in future, if we are able to protect all of the world’s population, not just the wealthy parts, presumably to create “herd immunity”. What a “Mission Accomplished.”

But, once again “increasing numbers” but hopefully not in the hundreds or thousands, of Omicron cases are being tracked and traced across Europe, three in Scotland and twoin England. This afternoon an announcement was made that the first two cases of Omicron identified on 27 November 2021 in Nottingham and Brentwood, Essex, on the outskirts of London, are well. We are yet to know whether they are “fit and well”?

Thankfully we are informed that the school child who was infected with Omicron at Lockwood Primary School, Brentwood, is isolating with family. Dr. Michael Gogarty, a researcher said; “When I say the two cases in England are well, I mean they are not seriously ill. They have shown symptoms, but they do not require hospitalisation”. Hospitalisation is the yardstick for wellbeing !

Why I bring out the seriousness of Omicron?

My readers will note that there are more than 10 million confirmed cases of COVID-19 in UK, no comparison at any stretch of imagination, to the confirmed cases in Sri Lanka. Of course, we can only compare like with like, in relation to our size and our population. Near

145,000 have died according to UK government sources. So far, 89% of the people aged 17 and over have had their first Vaccine, 81% have had their second and 31% have had a “booster shot” in the arm. 

UK Government on the recommendation of the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation is set to extend the vaccination roll out to all adults over 18 years, with the gap between two doses cut to 3 months. PCR Tests and Self Isolation have been brought back for travellers arriving in UK from “Red List Countries” as of 30 November 2021.The Government on the advice of Mental Health authorities do not want to close schools and keep children at home before the Christmas break. Education is not to be affected as expected, but strict guidelines are in progress with compulsory face masks, near social distancing in class rooms, among others, until reassessment. Work from home is soon expected.

The Cost of Omicron

UK Government is aware of the very heavy price both economically and socially in terms of the Omicron and Non-Omicron variant health outcomes, especially its impact on Mental Health, Christmas turkey nearby, and general wellbeing.

It is nowhere near making the knee jerk reactions after COVID-19, a year and a half ago. It is only adopting a “minimalist approach” for the time being with mandatory wear of face masks and rigorous fines imposed, but is expecting the public to act seriously in taking  ”personal precautions”. We in England, during Christmastime, the game called it “passing the parcel”.  It appears, it has learned lessons from the past, but is very cautious this time that its 80 seat majority is not upset by either not taking Omicron as seriously as it deserves, or upsetting the jittery vocal minority of Tory MP’s opposing curbs, either on libertarian grounds, or out of concerns over economic harm with another Lockdown. 

Prime Minister Boris Johnson is in between a rock and a hard place, as the Labour Opposition has today reshuffled its Opposition Cabinet to hold the Government to account.

“Volley to the Right, Volley to the Left, thunder and lightning and “Omicron and Macron,”  sandwichedin the middle. I guess, he has planned to handle Omicron, as much as his mop hairstyle? Can Boris take it, “Yes, he Can”?

Prevention custodial deaths in Sri Lanka: Rights group says domestic mechanisms exhausted

Image courtesy of ipleaders.com

By Sri Lanka Brief-29/11/2021

The Committee for Protecting the Rights of Prisoners (CPRP) said yesterday (28) that it would have to seek international intervention regarding the spate of custodial deaths that recently occurred in Sri Lanka, as domestic mechanisms have already been “exhausted without any proper progress made”.

“The latest incident of a death in custody is that of Hewa Lunuwilage Lasantha, alias ‘Tinker Lasantha’. We write the same letters to the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) and to the Inspector General of Police (IGP) when such an incident happens. We have exhausted our options and it is clear that the domestic mechanisms are not working. This is why we may have to seek international intervention for justice,” CPRP President Senaka Perera told The Morning yesterday (28).

He said that these incidents rise as a result of the Police having no regard for the rule of law, as transparency and accountability mechanisms have weakened following the rule of law.

“Following the introduction of the 20th Amendment to the Constitution, the relationship between the President of the country and the Police has become a sort of ‘employer-employee’ one. The President is free to appoint an IGP, without any supervisory body looking into the matter,” he stated.

Perera added that these incidents indicate “political commands in action” and raised concerns over what they mean to the safety of society.

Hewa Lunuwilage Lasantha, alias “Tinker Lasantha”, was shot dead in a shootout on 25 Thursday which involved the Police, when he was taken to recover hidden weapons, according to the Police. This occurred following his arrest in Kalutara when Lasantha had allegedly attempted to open fire at the Police, following which the crossfire ensued.

“On the night of 25 November 2021, Sanjaya Ariyadasa, Attorney-at-Law contacted the President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) to inform him that he has instructions that a client by the name of H.L. Lasantha, alias Tinkering Lasantha, had been apprehended by the officers of the Kalutara Divisional Criminal Investigation Bureau and that he has information that his client will be killed in custody by the Police under the pretext of it happening during a shoot-out whilst being taken to show weapons. Immediately, thereafter, the President of the BASL informed this to the IGP C.D. Wickramaratne via email and text message. He further informed the Commissioner of the HRCSL in charge of Inquiries and Investigations as well as the Director Inquiries and Investigations of the Commission. As an additional measure, the President of the BASL also informed the Governor of the Northern Province Jeewan Thiyagarajah, who also heads the Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies (CHA) of this information. The HRCSL and Thiyagarajah confirm that they had contacted the authorities and informed them of the complaint and requested them to intervene to ensure the safety of the suspect,” the BASL said about the incident on 26 November.

Last week, the Scotland Police announced that it would halt its training programmes with Sri Lanka due to concerns regarding human rights abuses happening in the country. Although there has been a long-standing relationship between the two police forces (since 2010), the Scotland Police said that it will not renew the contract once it expires in March 2022.

Meanwhile, Perera said that the mother of underworld figure “Podi Lassi”, who is currently in the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on a detention order, had met the CPRP last Saturday (27) and raised fears about threats to her son’s life.

“Podi Lassi’s detention order will end on 15 December. His mother is concerned about his life as well as there are rumours that a similar incident will occur once his detention order ends. Thus, his mother is hoping to go to the United Nations (UN) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) about her suspicions soon,” said Perera.

On 11 May 2021, underworld figure Mabulage Dineth Melan Mabula, alias “Urujuwa”, died in a shoot-out while in police custody. Two days later, on 13 May 2021, Dharmakeerthi Tharaka Perera Wijesekera, alias “Kosgoda Tharaka”, also died in a shoot-out while in police custody. On both these occasions, Police Media Spokesman at the time Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Ajith Rohana told the media that incidents that had occurred while the suspects had been taken for special police operations had led to their deaths.

In a similar incident in October last year, underworld figure Samarasinghe Arachchige Madush Lakshitha, alias “Makandure Madush”, was killed while in police custody. The Police at the time claimed that the victim was killed in crossfire between the Police and suspected gang members, as the latter group had attempted to release him from police custody.

TM

 Right to mourn and festering of old wounds

Tamils especially in the North and East observe 'Maaveerar Naal' in memory of their dead kith and kin during the war

 

November 27th used to mark the culmination of the week-long remembrance of fallen cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). On that day, cyanide capsules-necked Tiger cadres paraded in the day and the grieving mothers flocked to the cemeteries in the night to light a candle in memory of their dead sons and daughters. Every detail was planned and rehearsed with a near-religious zeal, not least because the ritualistic glorification of martyrdom in these ceremonies was a key driver of indoctrination and recruitment.

30 November 2021 

Those days are long gone. The LTTE was decimated. Not just its military project but also its maximalist political project is no longer viable. On November 27, though in declining numbers, Northern Tamils commemorate the Mahaveerar naal (heroes’ day). Many more do so on May 17 to commemorate thousands of civilians who perished when the near three-decade of war came to a brutal end on the shores of Mullaitivu. 

These days should have been an ideal time for solemn recollection and soul searching. Instead, a regular cat and mouse game between the Tamil mourners and security apparatus pervades the day. Last weekend was no different. Security forces put up new checkpoints and patrolled on the streets. Black-clad soldiers who were armed to teeth were dispatched to ward off the mourners. 

 

More than a decade since the end of the war, successive governments have failed to fully acknowledge that as much as Colombo celebrates the war victory and pays respect to fallen soldiers, the vanquished also had parents and spouses who have a legitimate right to mourn.

In Valvettithurai, the birthplace of the Tiger supremo Velupillai Prabakaran, security forces prevented around a hundred people from entering a local playground where a commemoration event was planned. A few were later allowed in. In Mullaitivu, police kept away mourners from the Mullivaikkal Beach, the theatre of the final battle.
Most people opted for low key private events. Some civil society groups and political parties that organized public events indeed have personal and political calculations; some of them are the most vocal advocates of the LTTE.  Others want to be seen with the crowd due to electoral considerations. None of that was a reason to prevent an ageing 75-year-old mother or a widow from lighting a candle for her lost son or spouse. Sadly, though that keeps happening. Every year come May or November; old wounds are rubbed with salts. Remembering the dead is a fundamental right- no matter on which side they were in the war.

Denial of that basic right, if nothing else is a blight on basic human decency.

There is an added cruelty when those who are at the receiving end are despondent ageing parents and hapless widows who have suffered through a long and brutal war only to be denied the right to mourn their loved ones in the supposedly peaceful time.

This is a recurring tragedy. 

More than a decade since the end of the war, successive governments have failed to fully acknowledge that as much as Colombo celebrates the war victory and pays respect to fallen soldiers, the vanquished also had parents and spouses who have a legitimate right to mourn. The failure emanates from skewed political calculations that fostered a post-war triumphalism at the exclusion of others’ feelings.

Then-president Mahinda Rajapaksa nurtured that exclusivist euphoria to expand his dynastic ambitions. Euphoria alone was not enough, hence a large chunk of fear psychosis was exploited. In the absence of suicide bombers of the LTTE, their sick and old mothers were made into an existential threat that surfaces every November 27.
Yahapalanaya albeit its misgivings exercised a more humane approach; public commemorations were allowed, but the display of Tiger insignia and glorification of terrorism was banned. That appeared as if too much of appeasement for some quarters of the current government, which has some of the unabashed racists. Thus, the recourse to the olden days of paranoia.

 

These days should have been an ideal time for solemn recollection and soul searching. Instead, a regular cat and mouse game between the Tamil mourners and security apparatus pervades the day.

It should not be rocket science to devise a commonsense approach. The denial of remembrance, both in private or public is only adding to an existing set of grievances. Not to mention the public relations disaster. The government should allow the Tamils their right to mourn in public or in private. That poses no threat to national security. Depriving that does. 

Yet, there has to be a red line to prevent the ideological bedfellows of the LTTE and opportunistic political actors from exploiting the event to advance their devious ends: any form of Tiger insignia, glorification of martyrdom or any advocacy for taking up of arms, how remote it can be, should be explicitly banned and dealt under the law.
The distinction between mourning the dead and glorification of nihilistic terrorism should be spelt out and acted upon.

In the ideal conditions, hapless parents deserve some form of financial support from the government, for instance, the missing persons commission recommend that Rs. 6,000 per month be paid to the parents of missing Tamil youth. Such generosity, though still nominal compared to the current cost of living, should be extended to others who have lost their immediate family members during the war.

Remembrance of the dead would help, not just personal, but collective healing. Denial would keep festering them.

Foreign reserves plunge to historic low of $ 1.2 b: SJB

 SJB MP Eran Wickramaratne-Tuesday, 30 November 2021

• MP Eran Wickramaratne raises precarious situation in Parliament
• Apart from serious forex crisis debilitating the economy, warns of dark future looming with energy crisis ahead
• Says Govt. benches conspicuous by their silence

The main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) yesterday claimed that the country’s net foreign reserves had plunged to an all-time low of $ 1.2 billion and warned of a looming dark future.

SJB MP Eran Wickramaratne revealed the precariously low reserves figure – excluding gold reserves of $ 300 million – in Parliament yesterday.

Government members did not refute the Opposition claim of record low reserves, which amounts to less than one month’s worth of imports, which the SJB MP said was the “lowest in history.” 

When the Rajapaksa Government came to power two years ago, foreign reserves had amounted to over $ 7 billion.

Separately, at a media briefing yesterday at the Opposition Leader’s office, Wickramaratne said the forex crisis would worsen the shortage of essential food items, aside from them being expensive. He also predicted a fuel shortage leading to power cuts and warned of the country falling into a period of darkness.

The SJB MP noted that if the Government came out and openly acknowledged the precarious situation well in advance, then at least manufacturers and businesses could prepare adequately to face the consequences. 

The Sapugaskanda oil refinery too was closed recently for the first time in history, he noted.

He also pointed out that the Rajapaksas had repeatedly criticised and then repealed the automatic fuel pricing formula – which had been implemented by the ‘Yahapalana’ regime as a timely solution to the problems faced by the country. However, he pointed out that today the Government insists that fuel formula is good for the country. 

“This proves that they do not have a proper understanding of economic management or governance,” alleged Wickramaratne. 

How News Headlines Make or Break the Public Mind

Photo courtesy of AsiaNews

DISHANI SENARATNE- 11/30/2021

The front page main headline is the focal point of a newspaper that grabs the attention of news consumers.  A main headline goes beyond merely describing the facts of a news story in a few words. As its major selling point to offer a unique product, the lead news article’s headline and article content express the attitudinal slant of a newspaper. It is the slant – the angle or way in which the facts are woven in the article – that attempts to resonate with news audience attitudes and thereby ensure a market’s loyalty to the newspaper.

The media landscape in Sri Lanka is both complex and vibrant partly because of the presence of trilingual news outlets. The advent of internet-based social media attracted large numbers of news consumers away from the professional news media industry. The attraction is the power of individual, personal choice of information products. The internet enables consumers of information and communication systems to actively and individually engage with the internet’s communications media and the industry that operates them.

As in other parts of the world, the once dominant, traditional news media industry – radio, TV and printed newspapers – also run their own social media platforms in order to compete with the rapid spread of news and other information in the online digital media.

The internet has prompted an intensified market competition for audiences within the news industry and competition between the news industry on one side and the rampant messaging of information and opinions on the social media on the other. How much does this intensified information competition and market orientation affect the provision of news to media audiences? Do the efforts to win and maintain audiences push the news media outlets to further echo their audiences’ own social attitudes on major national issues?

A study of the news publication approaches of two selected Sinhala and Tamil dailies, Lankadeepa and Virakesari, in reporting contemporary issues reveals the differences in reporting attitudes adopted by the media. A look at the main headlines in these national newspapers in July showed that the framing of newspaper reportage differently to different audiences could influence audience perspectives of the issue.

Sri Lanka witnessed multiple crucial socio-economic and political events amid the rapid spread of the Delta variant across the country. It is evident that Sinhala and Tamil media have focused their attention on separate issues and challenges confronting their target readership. In other words, the concerns of the ethnic minority groups in the post-conflict context are featured in Tamil media, unlike in Sinhala media. For example, the President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s statement that the government is ready to work with the UN for accountability and reconciliation was the main headline only in Tamil media. Likewise, a statement by the Amnesty International on Sri Lanka’s status quo on the freedom of expression was exclusively reported in Tamil media.

Holding Provincial Council elections under a proportional representation system was a subject of discussion within political circles, especially among minority Tamil and Muslim political parties. Predictably, the Tamil press stated how several minority political parties raised their objection to any move to change the proportional representation system. The Sinhala press later reported the recommendation made by the Elections Commission to hold the Provincial Council elections under a 70-30 proportional representation system, in addition to highlighting the proposal submitted to “hold all three elections in the same manner.” This is a textbook case of how political narratives and events become newsworthy in different media discourses in keeping with the expectations, perceptions and preferences of news consumers who are ethnically homogeneous.

Another striking feature of Sinhala media is frequent reporting on drug arrests as opposed to Tamil media. Insignificant events that bear little national importance continue to occupy the front page in Sinhala media. The news report on the raid at an illegal gambling den is a case in point.

Similar news stories have appeared in both Sinhala and Tamil press on rare occasions. For instance, the teachers’ strike over salary anomalies garnered the coverage of both Sinhala and Tamil media, similar to the repeated news reports on the death of a girl who was employed at MP Rishad Bathiudeen’s residence in Colombo. Tamil media quoted the lawyer who appeared for the wife of the minister stating to the court that they were not produced to court within 24 hours of arrest. Neither Sinhala nor Tamil press withheld the identity of the deceased girl, throwing aside ethical principles in journalism. But the identity of the girl who was sexually trafficked online remained anonymous in Sinhala media. However, neither this child abuse incident nor the nurses’ strike was featured in the main headline in Tamil press.

Political issues were given different weightage in Sinhala and Tamil media. For example, the political comeback of Basil Rajapaksa and his appointment as Finance Minister dominated the headlines in Tamil press for three consecutive days. Contrastingly, the main headlines of Sinhala media focused on the child abuse case instead of reporting on Basil Rajapaksa’s entrance into parliamentary politics. Sinhala media reported the appointment of Duminda Silva as the Chairman of the Housing Development Authority whereas Tamil press later put a spotlight on the US Ambassador to Sri Lanka’s stance on granting of a presidential pardon to Duminda Silva.

Occurrences of sexist language use in Sinhala press needs to be examined. Headlines emphasising Covid-positive female garment factory workers and women arrested for drug trafficking are illustrative of gender discrimination in the media. Making matters worse, certain Sinhala terms used to refer to sexual abuse against women and children convey different connotations and varying personal meanings that could be replaced with more acceptable terms. Certain headlines in Sinhala media withheld information probably to create a sensational appeal. One headline said that Sri Lanka has obtained three big loans without mentioning the donor countries or agencies. Sensationalism in news coverage may provoke the reader but it is at the cost of ethical and professional journalism.

Newspaper headlines are often constructed and manipulated to create echo chambers resonating with the political ideologies of the readership. Besides the main headline, the photo on the front page as well as the political cartoon offer a glimpse into the political trajectory of a newspaper. The lack of exposure to opposing views could exacerbate the already tense relations between the country’s diverse ethnic and religious groups, posing a disincentive to promote sustainable peace in the post-conflict context.

Since 2016, the social media platform Ethics Eye by Verité Research has monitored problematic media use. Their latest research publication reveals that racial profiling and language polarisation are key issues that have negative social ramifications on ethnic minorities.

The English media is not without its problems but its readership comprises people from different ethnic, faith and linguistic backgrounds. Some English media outlets are seen as a bridge between communities, contrary to Sinhala and Tamil media who cater to an audience that is ethnically homogeneous. This shows that most Sri Lankans are confined to a one-sided perspective due to not knowing each other’s language.

Every reader is different in her and his own way, not just individually but in terms of political opinions that shape their newspaper choice. The media should play a role in generating an enlightened public opinion without advancing its personal agenda. Yet media ownership has been the elephant in the room for decades although there has been calls for scrutiny of the faces behind media outlets.

The prevalence of partisan media is not unique to Sri Lanka. The US’ Fox News Channel favours the Republican Party whereas the New York Times has a left-wing bias. Exemplifying how partisan media was instrumental in stoking ethnic bias and stereotypes in the pre-internet era, Rwanda’s radio station RTLM gained notoriety for employing hate mongering rhetoric, inciting the majority Hutus against the ethnic Tutsis, which caused the 1994 genocide.

Heaping the blame on the media for amplifying societal divisions is unjust and unwise. Professional and ethical journalism coupled with informed media consumption should become the cornerstone of a vibrant and inclusive media landscape.