UN Report Increases Pressure on Government Amid Continuing Human Rights Violations

Photo courtesy of Kumanan Kanapathippillai

SAVITRI HENSMAN-02/28/2022

There has been some progress on aspects of human rights in Sri Lanka in the past year according to a key United Nations report but major failings remain and, on some matters, the situation has grown worse. Sanctions against alleged perpetrators where there is strong evidence of serious abuses are among the measures recommended to strengthen accountability.

There has been a flurry of activity by the regime and its critics in the run up to the 49th session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). This is due to run from February 28 to April 1 2022, including a discussion on March 3 on Sri Lanka. In March 2021, a resolution highly critical of the regime’s treatment of ordinary Sri Lankans was passed the UNHRC. The Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, was asked to monitor the situation and report back.

While the government has made much of its proposed reforms to the harsh Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), the recent update on promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka suggests that these are inadequate. Meanwhile, in the light of the Rajapaksa government’s failure to bring perpetrators of serious crimes to book, others abroad are beginning to step in, a trend which will intensify. On February 24, the day before the advance unedited version of the report was published, British war crimes police arrested a suspect in connection with the murder of a Tamil journalist, Mylvaganam Nimalrajan who was murdered in his home in Jaffna in October 2000.

The crisis caused by the Russian state’s invasion of Ukraine will overshadow the UNHRC’s gathering. It has also added to Sri Lanka’s economic instability, caused in part by mismanagement, and further undermined confidence in the political leadership, on top of the impact of other scandals. As Foreign Minister G.L. Peiris and his colleagues seek to win support from overseas governments and international institutions, the pressure to make more substantial changes will increase.

A grave situation 

Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka mentions the impact of the economic crisis, including food poverty, and overall paints a sobering picture a year after the previous report, indicating that the hoped-for progress has not materialised. Issues include erosion of the independence of public bodies such as the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) and Right to Information Commission. Civilian government functions are increasingly being militarised; in some cases, current or former military officers – including some accused of serious human rights violations – have been placed in senior positions in ministries.

While some of the land that the army took in the North and East during the civil war has been returned, further disputes have arisen. Some are a linked to a Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province headed by the Defence Secretary, supposedly seeking to preserve Buddhist sites but in practice resulting in takeover of local people’s land. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa spoke at the UN General Assembly of the Government’s “firm intention to build a prosperous, stable and secure future for all Sri Lankans, regardless of ethnicity, religion or gender.” Yet in reality, Ms. Bachelet suggests, “actions by the Government during the past year have reinforced the nexus between Sinhalese nationalism, Buddhism and the state, increasing the sense of marginalisation and anxiety among Tamil, Muslim and Christian minority communities, and undermining the prospects for reconciliation.”

A Task Force on legal change headed by the leader of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), which is a “Buddhist” extremist organisation notorious for hate speech and worse, a statue of the Buddha put up (despite a court order) on what is believed to be the site of an ancient Hindu temple, measures targeting Muslims and failure to protect churches from attack are examples.

The report describes how civil society organisations, victim groups and human rights advocates are being targeted. The High Commissioner welcomed moves to reduce prison overcrowding during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly the release of pre-trial detainees on bail. But suspicious deaths in custody have continued, along with torture and other mistreatment of those imprisoned or detained. A PTA Amendment Bill was brought before Parliament in February 2022, with some positive aspects but still falling far short of meeting international human rights obligations; arbitrary detention and torture are still far too easy.

While some longstanding detainees have been released, other people were still being locked up under the PTA and Ms. Bachelet again called for a stop to its use until replaced by a more just law. In March 2021 new de-radicalisation regulations had been added so that people could be detained for up to two years without a case going before a court.

Inadequate progress in reconciliation and accountability    

With regard to allegations of past abuses, “The High Commissioner is gravely concerned about the continuing precarious situation of the families of the disappeared – the majority of whom are represented by women. In addition to their suffering and anguish in not knowing the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones, they continue to struggle with the desperate economic and social consequences this has had on their lives,” made worse by harassment and surveillance.

Some payments have been made to those whose lives have been damaged by past violence but detailed information is lacking and there have been workshops aimed at reconciliation yet, the report suggests, justice is crucial.

The dropping of charges against a former Navy commander for his involvement in the abduction and disappearance of 11 boys and men in 2008 and 2009, who was then appointed as the Governor of the North Western Province, again signals an unwillingness to address grave abuses. Failure to investigate more fully the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, including the role of security forces, is another concern.

The report explains that the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights has been recruiting specialist staff and compiling information on alleged abuses by both the state and other groups (the UN has consistently condemned the Tigers too for violating human rights).

Facing the challenge

One paragraph that has been the focus of wide attention raises the issue of what can be done by the international community to acknowledge and respond to the suffering of those harmed by the regime’s failures. It states, “The High Commissioner’s previous report recommended that, among a range of measures, Member States explore possible targeted sanctions against credibly alleged perpetrators of grave human rights violations and abuses. On 10 December 2021, the United States Government announced that two Sri Lankan military officers implicated in grave violations would be designated under Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriation Act, 2021 and ineligible for entry to that country.” Not surprisingly, talk of sanctions has been met with strong reactions.

The report points out that this is a major piece of work and the extent of what can be achieved will largely depend on the support of members states and level of funding.

The conclusions underline the fact that human rights abuses and threats to democracy are not only historical: “In the last two years, the independence of the judiciary, the Human Rights Commission and other key institutions have been eroded, and democratic space, including for human rights advocacy constricted. There has been a further drift towards militarisation and an emphasis of Sinhala nationalism and Buddhism in State institutions has become more visible, increasing the marginalisation and uncertainty of minority communities, and undermining reconciliation. The forthcoming Constitution drafting process will be of critical importance for the independence of key institutions and issues of devolution and human rights should be monitored closely.”

Ms. Bachelet recognises signs of renewed openness of the government in engaging with her office and initial steps towards reform, including changes to the PTA but urges the government to go further and deeper. Although the government emphasises reparation and development, a broader approach is vital, according to the report.

There are a range of recommendations for the Sri Lankan authorities to strengthen human rights, as well as some aimed at the international community. These include working with victims to investigate and prosecute international crimes committed by all parties, continuing to explore possible targeted sanctions against those facing credible allegations of grave violations and protecting asylum seekers at risk if sent back.

The government disputes the accuracy of the report; however the claims made tie in with other findings from organisations gathering and analysing evidence on human rights in Sri Lanka. Foreign Minister G.L. Peiris is due to lead Sri Lanka’s delegation to UNHRC and speak during the interactive dialogue on  March 3.

As yet more information comes to light about the scale and gravity of the wrongs done to ordinary Sri Lankans by people misusing power, it will become increasingly hard to ignore the calls for truth and justice as a foundation for healing and rebuilding.

 

 It Is Unwise To Release The Bird In The Hand (13A) For Two (Federal) In The Bush!

By Veluppillai Thangavelu –FEBRUARY 28, 2022

Veluppillai Thangavelu

13th Amendment has returned to the limelight among Tamil nationalist parties after a lapse of 35 years. Amendment 13 A is the outcome of the Indo-Lanka Agreement signed between Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and J.R. Jayewardene, President of Sri Lanka. The Accord was signed on 29th July 1987 in Colombo. The accord was expected to resolve the Sri Lankan Civil War by necessary Amendments to the Constitution of Sri Lanka. This was at a time his government was facing two insurgencies, one in the Northeast led by Tamil militants and the other in the South led by the JVP.

The Agreement was bitterly opposed by leading members of J.R. Jayewardene’s own United National Party. The opposition was spearheaded by Lalith Athulathmudali who was the Minister for National Security in J.R.’s cabinet. It was also opposed by Prime Minister, Ranasinghe Premadasa who flew to Japan to avoid the signing ceremony. Opponents of the Accord claimed that it was signed under duress and threat of military force.

On 14 November 1987 the Sri Lankan Parliament enacted the 13th Amendment to the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka along with the ancillary Provincial Councils Act No 42 of 1987 to establish Provincial councils. This led to the creation of 9 Provincial Councils on 03 February 1988. The first election for provincial councils took place on 28 April 1988 in North Central, Northwestern, Sabaragamuwa and Uva provinces.

13A also declared Tamil shall also be an official language and English shall be the link language. It assured a power-sharing arrangement to enable all nine provinces in the country, including Sinhala majority areas, to self-govern. Accordingly, the provincial councils have become the second tier of the administrative structure of Sri Lanka.

On September 2 and 8 1988, President J.R. Jayewardene issued a proclamation temporarily enabling the Northern and Eastern provinces to be one administrative unit administered by one elected Council till a referendum was held in the Eastern Province on a permanent merger between the two provinces. However, the referendum was never held and successive Sri Lankan presidents issued proclamations annually extending the life of the “temporary” entity. Ironically, he himself was opposed to the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces as a single entity but agreed to it as a tactic.

Elections were held for the NEPC on 19 November 1988. A. Varatharajaperumal of the EPRLF was elected as the Chief Minister.

The merger of the NEPC into one province resulted in the JVP reacting violently, stepping up a campaign of killings, strikes and violent demonstrations in the South. However, the merged NEPC was dismissed following the UDI by Chief Minister Varatharajaperumal on March 01, 1990, and brought under central control. It was dissolved in June 1988.

On 01 January 2007, the two provinces – North and East were de-merged following a court case filed by the JVP the previous year. The Supreme Court in its verdict did say the merger of the two provinces has no force in law, but the Court also said that parliament can pass a law to merge the provinces instead of by Presidential gazette notifications.

The 13th Amendment is considered unfair and partisan by both the ultra-Sinhala nationalist parties and the LTTE. The Sinhala nationalist parties thought it was too much power to share while the Tamils consider it too little. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) — which chiefly represented the Tamils of the north and east in Parliament in the post-war era see it as an important starting point, something to build upon. One major sticking point is the office of the Governor created by the 13th Amendment.

The Governor of a Province unlike the Governor of a State in India is no mere figurehead. The 13th Amendment stipulates that executive power in the province in relation to those matters which are within the competence of the Provincial Council shall be exercised by the Governor. However, the fact remains that 13A is the only constitutional provision with the province as a unit of devolution on the settlement of the long-pending Tamil question.

Despite the passage of 13A, successive Sri Lankan governments have failed to implement the Accord fully, especially Land, Police and Public Order, despite repeated calls from Tamil parties and the Indian government. Public

Elections were not held to the demerged Eastern Provincial Council until 2008 and to the Northern Provincial Council until September 2013. Thus, the Tamils did not benefit from the Provincial council system that was meant, in the first place, to meet the demand for devolution of power by the Tamil people.

Now Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, leader of both the ACTC and TNPF has denounced the 13th Amendment enacted within a unitary state and those Tamil parties that stand for its implementation as stooges of India. He and his party the TNPF kept out of the entire exercise because they felt that 13A has no place even as a temporary arrangement or as the first step towards a federal structure. According to Gajendrakumar the TNA’s insistence on the 13 A only helped the Sinhala-dominated government to preserve its unitary state. The only solution for the Tamils is to fight for full federal state within a united country.

On 10 January 2022 In a public statement, the Tamil National People’s Front slammed the 13th Amendment and maintained their steadfast commitment to “the hallowed Tamil National principles of nationhood and self-determination”. In their statement, the TNPF slammed the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) for its support of the amendment maintaining they were “contravening decades of successive mandates of the Tamil nation”.

They further highlighted that “the Provincial Councils were widely pilloried, rejected and boycotted by Tamil people, and considered not even a starting point to Tamil political aspirations of nationhood and self-determination. We have dedicated ourselves to campaign to defeat the move to implement the 13 A and Provincial Councils, and have commenced a campaign to communicate our people the grave dangers of the Provincial Councils” they conclude.

The argument that the TNA or other Tamil nationalist parties have accepted the 13 A carte blanche is puerile. In an interview with The Morning, TNA spokesperson, M A Sumanthiran said that ” 13 A doesn’t fulfill the aspirations of the Tamil people. “The 13th Amendment set up the Provincial councils – that we welcome. It also enabled two or more adjacent provinces to amalgamate – that we welcome. But insofar as the powers that were given to the provinces and within the framework of a unitary constitution, that experiment is a failure as we envisaged because the centre has been taking back powers that were granted on paper under 13 A,” he added.

Ironically while Gajendrakumar denigrates the TNA leaders for accepting 13 A and contesting Provincial Council elections, he also says his party will contest the Provincial Council elections whenever elections are held. In the past, the ACTC has boycotted the Provincial Council elections claiming it is a creation within a unitary constitution. At a press conference prior to the holding of the elections in 2013 in Jaffna, he waxed eloquent ” the TNPF totally boycotts the election. We will not contest and under no circumstances. We have told the TNA to face the elections with the message that the 13 A is neither a beginning, nor an interim solution, and nor a final solution.”

Does he admit now he was wrong in boycotting the elections in 2013, but right in contesting the elections now? Applying the same logic that 13 A is a “creation within a unitary constitution” why his party is contesting elections for a parliament that is also created by the unitary constitution? Suffice to say there should be a method in one’s madness.

If we accept his argument now, then he was wrong in boycotting the elections in the past. Taking into account his idiosyncrasies, there is no guarantee he will not perform another summersault in the future.

Again, he has no qualms in taking an oath of allegiance to the unitary constitution before and after getting elected to parliament under the 6th Amendment enacted on 8 August 1983. This draconian Amendment made it a criminal offence to advocate secession and establish a separate state within Sri Lanka.

Under 157A. (1) No person shall, directly or indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka. (2) No political party or other association or organization shall have as one of its aims or objects the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.

Gajendrakumar’s outright rejection of 13 A must be sweet music to the ears of those ultra-Sinhala Buddhist nationalist forces who also want the abolition of 13A and the Provincial Council system under it for opposite reasons.

It is historically true that the TULF which was engaged in extensive talks with the Indian Government in the eighties did not accept fully the 13 A. In a lengthy letter signed by Amirthalingam, General Secretary, M. Sivasithamparam, President and R. Sampanthan, Vice President and addressed to Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of India on 28 October 1987 it catalogued the shortcomings of 13 A. ( https://sangam.org/letter-pm-rajiv-gandhi-tulf-13th-amendment/).

The TULF leaders did not reject 13 A outright but expressed their disappointment stating the TULF regrets it cannot recommend the contents of these Bills (13 A and Provincial Council Bilks) to the Tamil people as being satisfactory, just and durable.

The letter claimed “All parties to the negotiations have always understood that the powers to be devolved to the Provincial Council will be the same as those enjoyed by a state in India with suitable adaptations. This was to be particularly so in the field of legislative and executive power. During the discussions between the Sir Lankan Government and the TULF in July/August 1986, it was agreed that the legislative power of the province in respect of provincial subjects would be near-absolute and that the governor would be a ceremonial head, with his discretionary powers clearly defined.

In retrospect, it would be seen that the Provincial Board of Ministers, including the Chief Minister, had almost unfettered freedom to administer the province without the Governor placing roadblocks or interfering with the day-to-day administration of the Provincial Council. In fact, the Governor while enjoying executive powers, in most cases has to act on the advice of the Chief Minister. For example, Ministers are appointed by the Governor on the advice of the Chief Minister, so is the removal of Provincial Ministers. While 13A devolves power within a unitary constitution, it has at the same contains some federal features if implemented fully including Land, Police and Public Order and order powers. It will be foolish to throw the baby out with the bathwater.

Read More

 

Chamuditha says he has no faith in police probe on attack on his home

By Sri Lanka Brief-27/02/2022

Three police teams investigating the attack on journalist Chamuditha Samarawickrema’s Piliyandala home are questioning some of those he had recently interviewed on his talk shows, including dethroned Mrs Sri Lanka Pushpika de Silva.

However, there are still no identified suspects. Ms de Silva has been re-summoned to give a statement in connection with the February 14 attack, said Police Media Spokesman SSP Nihal Talduwa. She had been summoned on February 23 but hadn’t showed up.

She is the second high-profile figure to be questioned, following Ape Janabala Party Chairman Samantha Prasanna Perera.

“Just days before the attack, both took part in separate interviews held by Mr. Samarawickrema on his YouTube channel,” SSP Talduwa said adding that police have recorded over 26 statements so far.”

The police teams are currently doing technical analysis to identify the suspects and the vehicle they came in. “Police have found 14 locations through signals from telecommunication towers in Moratuwa where the vehicle was moved and the Moratuwa Municipal Council is preparing a detailed report.”

Despite the court order, police failed to provide protection for him and his family, Mr. Samarawickrema claimed. His lawyer, Kuvera de Zoysa, PC, requested protection for his client from the Kesbewa Magistrate’s Court on February 18, claiming that his life was in danger. The magistrate gave the order.

“There was no police protection in accordance with the Court order,” the journalist claimed. “When we asked about it, they said they wanted to do a risk assessment to see if there was a genuine threat to my life or the lives of my family.”

The National Authority for The Protection of Victims of Crimes and Witnesses visited his residence last week and questioned him as part of an assessment.

“A clear threat to my life exists,” Mr Samarawickrama insisted. “Police have yet to identify the perpetrators. I don’t have faith in the police investigation. They are just handling it as a normal matter.”

The attack was also raised in Parliament this week. State Intelligence Service (SIS) has been asked for a report to determine whether Mr Samarawickrema faced any security threats, said Public Security Minister Rear Admiral (retd) Sarath Weerasekara, in response to a question from SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.

Sunday Times 

'Public transport will collapse' - Sri Lanka's fuel crisis cripples bus services

'Public transport will collapse' - Sri Lanka's fuel crisis cripples bus services

 

28 February 2022

Sri Lanka's fuel crisis exacerbated by its depleting foreign reserves is affecting daily transport services, as providers are finding it increasingly difficult to to keep their buses and vans running. 

As the fuel crisis takes a grip on the country, petrol stations have been reported to be rationing the amount of fuel they are providing. Speaking to the EconomyNext several transport providers noted,

’Petrol sheds are rationing what can be given. We need diesel of at least 10,000 rupees to run the daily so when its rationed like this we are wasting time, and the diesel we already have,’’

Some petrol stations have imposed a cap of 2000 rupees for diesel.Commenting on this President of the Lanka Private Bus Owners’ Association Gemunu Wijeratne told reporters, 

“This is not practical, because a bus needs about 6,000 to 7,000 rupees worth of diesel a day to operate short distances.  For long distance it’s about 10,000 rupees. This is severely impacting us,”

Wijeratne said his association plans to inform the Transport Ministry that private bus owners will be compelled to limit their operations.

Wijeratne added, “If this continues, public transport will collapse and the economy will come to a standstill,”

The state-run Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) cannot buy enough dollars in the market at the current 200 to the US dollar rate due to foreign exchange shortages. The shortages come from rupees injected into the banking system to maintain low interest rates which it has pushed up credit and demand for all imports, made worse by poor governmental policy and the effects of the pandemic.

Energy Minister Udaya Gammanpila has sought a price increase for fuel but the cabinet of ministers last week decided not to raise prices, the minister noted in parliament last week,

"The problem we are facing is not a power or fuel problem. It is the non-availability of dollars.”

The CPC says it is losing 551 million rupees a day due to rising fuel prices in February, Economynext reports. In the three months from February to April, Sri Lanka has another USD $ 1.83 billion foreign currency debt settlements to pay, while a USD $1 billion dollar sovereign bond matures in July. The country faces an increased risk of default, yet so far has resisted and shut down any inclination that it will seek assistance from the IMF to restructure its debt. The country instead is banking on that it can access more bilateral and multilateral funding lines. As the livelihood of those across the island becomes more precarious the militarised state, still finds foreign reserves to purchase military aircraft from India and request them from the US.

The January foreign reserves only provide 1.4 months worth of import cover. However, critics have pointed out that the actual number to be at USD $800 million of useable reserves, roughly 3 weeks' worth of imports. The USD $2.36 billion includes the Chinese swap of 10 billion yuan, which equals roughly USD $1.5 billion. The holding of yuan although bolstering the nation's reserves is not being used to finance vital imports or settle debt repayments as the country spirals into a deepening economic crisis. As the island nation battles with rising inflation, essential good items have reached record highs restricting vulnerable households access to food.

Read more at EconomyNext

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Cleansing Sri Lanka of ethnonationalism

Tuesday, 1 March 2022

It is high time Sri Lanka ensures the end of ethnonationalism of any shape and colour, which has ravaged peace and prosperity in this country for more than seven decades. 

Countries whose levels of economic and social development were far below that of Sri Lanka in the 1950s are now far ahead of it while Sri Lanka is moving backwards towards a failed state. The ever-increasing demand from the young, educated and skilled for visas to migrate to foreign countries, which is shamelessly encouraged by government ministers, speaks eloquently about the socio-economic degradation of this once blessed island. How and why did this happen? 

What started in 1950s as a language issue for equal official recognition between Sinhalese and Tamil, was opportunistically grabbed by vested political interests and promoted to grow into a state-backed ethnonationalist ideology of Sinhala-Buddhist domination, which culminated in a majoritarian distorted democracy. As corollary to this dominance was the parallel relegation of minority communities to a subordinate status. Tyranny of majoritarianism ultimately disconnected nearly one-third of the country’s population from actively participating in and contributing to the development efforts of Sri Lanka. 

Two years of aggressive Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarianism championed by the current regime has made Sri Lanka an international pariah. It was the injustices committed by the majoritarian regime that compelled UNHCR to put Sri Lanka on the dock and demand accountability for its human rights misdemeanours and ethnonationalist excesses. It thus becomes an absolute imperative for any future Government to cleanse this country of the scourge of ethnonationalism, if peace and prosperity were to return. 

Ethnonationalism and authoritarianism are two characteristics that delineate GR’s presidency. He shines out as a two-in-one avatar of India’s Hindutva Narendra Modi and China’s authoritarian Xi Jinping. Modi demonstrated how political power could be snatched from the opponents by aggressively promoting ethnonationalism even if the economy were to perform badly as happened during his first term of government. Xi Jinping on the other hand showed how an economic miracle could be achieved through authoritarian rule. 

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa emulated the two by welding together the ethnonationalist fervour of the first with authoritarianism of the second, and built his own image as an authoritarian Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist with a vision to lead the country towards “vistas of prosperity and splendour”. 

After two years of this dream, all what this Government produced was economic and social dereliction. Facing economic and financial bankruptcy on one front, inter-communal discontent on another, international pressures on the third and the pandemic on yet another, the country is on the verge of anarchy. The welding of Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalism with authoritarianism has proven to be a dangerous cocktail that needs to be gotten rid of where peace and prosperity return. What are the prospects of that happening? 

Before answering that question a few observations on the marriage of ethnonationalism with authoritarianism deserve attention. Modi’s aggressive anti-Muslim Hindutva campaign in 2019 brought victory to him and his party for the second time, even though Indian economy started losing its robustness and was slowing down. In fact, long before Modi came into Indian national politics, Sri Lankan politicians learnt already that economic issues would pale into insignificance once ethnonationalism occupies the centre stage of election propaganda and party canvassing. The Government’s insouciance towards the travails of a sinking economy is both an illustration of past experience and the Modi effect. 

Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalism appears to govern every act of the current  regime. For example, the recent destruction of the Jailani Mosque to make room for renovation and expansion of the adjacent Buddhist vihara in Kuragala closely resembles Hindutva destruction of Babri Masjid in Uttar Pradesh to construct a temple for Rama. Another was the construction of a Buddhist vihara in Hindu Kurunthamalai in the north. Before these was the desecration of the Hindu Neeraviyadi Pillayar Kovil in Mullaitivu orchestrated by that notorious Gnanasara Thera, who disregarded a court order and cremated the dead body of a Buddhist priest in the precincts of that temple. 

There were several such incidents where Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism demonstrated its arrogance, but tolerated by governments to win the support of Buddhist masses. However, such outlandish acts of chauvinism could backfire on those who promote them as the Modi regime witnesses now. 

In India, chinks have started appearing in Modi’s ethnonationalist wall. For example, when his government wanted to push Hindi as the official language the south revolted and voices of secession once again started echoing from federal corridors. That discontent grew stronger when the Central Government discriminated against the more developed south in the allocation of development funds. As the southern states continue to develop strongly in comparison to other states and become more affluent, whether a victorious Hindutva Modi-led regime in Delhi could hold together the Indian federation is a moot point. This is why Indian intellectuals and political activists are fighting to bring back the rule of civic nationalism as enshrined in the nation’s founding constitution. There are obvious lessons to learn from the Modi model by GR and his regime. 

Similarly, Xi Jinping’s authoritarianism also cannot remain solid even if China’s economic miracle continues to grow strong. As benefits of development percolate through society and as peoples’ basic needs are met and satiated, demand for other benefits would naturally emerge, and one such demand would be for political participation and democratisation.

The rise of the Hong Kong democracy movement is one clear example of this. Hong Kong was already a developed region before it was ceded by the British to China in 1997. Its greater economic affluence demanded greater freedom and autonomy from mainland China’s authoritarian control. Such demand for increased political autonomy and power sharing would also arise from within mainland China as economic affluence spreads. 

Like Xi Jinping, GR too believes that development would solve problems of power sharing. This seems to be the reasoning behind his objection to implement the 13th Amendment. 

Even in the most unlikely outcome of an economic miracle occurring at the expense of minorities, political stability is not guaranteed under the rule of GR’s ethnonationalism. 

Unlike the ancient monarchs who seem to have had an exceptional ability to manage Sri Lanka’s pluralism, their modern counterparts who are imbued with dictatorial aspirations have a tendency to destroy that plurality in search of a monocultural society. This may be why GR is selectively picking elements from Xi Jinping’s experiments to create a homogenous Sri Lanka out of its heterogenous ethnic makeup. Just as Xi is experimenting with China’s Uyghur Muslims in trying to make them think and behave like the main Han community, GR too seems to be aspiring for the same as indicated by his One-Country-One-Law 

agenda. 

Like what Modi tried in India, GR is also attempting to make Sinhalese the only official language through stealth. One could see this in the gradual disappearance of Tamil in public signboards and in official letters received by Tamil speakers typed only in Sinhala. Recently, when GR went to open the Vavuniya University it was reported that security officers were busy removing Tamil writings on public sign boards.   

This ethnonationalist carapace must be destroyed and the country should be rebuilt on a new foundation of civic nationalism with liberal democracy in which every Sri Lankan, be she/he Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, Burgher or whatever group or religion must have the same rights and obligations expected of any citizen. The biggest question facing the nation now is which political party or coalition of parties that are craving to wrest power from the ruling regime has the resolve and honesty to go before the people and say that it has the plan to do so and is prepared to show how it would be done.

Among the most important provisions in that plan should be (a) the abolition of executive presidency and re-empowering the parliament during the first year of the new government, (b) the removal of primacy for any religion in the national constitution while guaranteeing freedom of and from all religions, (c) bringing back English as one of the official languages, (d) guaranteeing independence of public institutions such as the Central Bank and Judiciary, which had been etiolated and emasculated, and turned into tools in the hands of governments, and (e) decentralising power through regional councils. The ultimate objective of these changes is to allow civic nationalism to grow and unite the country and take on the struggle for development. 

Which political party or coalition of parties in the opposition is prepared to take up the cudgel, rally the masses behind it and cleanse the country of ethnonationalist politics?    

 

(The writer is attached to the School of Business and Governance, Murdoch University, 

Western Australia.)

 There’s no effort made by youth to regroup for militancy in the north - Northern Governor Jeevan Thiagarajah

Governor of the Northern Province Jeevan Thiagarajah. Pic by Pradeep Pathirana

28 February 2022 

Northern Province Governor Jeevan Thiagarajah, who has inherited the task of resolving the issues faced by the people in the Province, is making an effort to see that State services in the Province function smoothly amidst a few concerns. Whilst highlighting that there are no efforts for a resurgence of an arms struggle in the Peninsula he said there are insights for Separatism.   In the midst of all these, he told the Daily Mirror in an interview that he had already addressed a gamut of issues faced by the people in the region. He said that in addition, ambitious plans were afoot to develop the Province and to have an interaction between the people in the North, South and the East.
Excerpts from the interview. 

 

"We are exploring the possibility of reintroducing the Indo-Lanka ferry service. There are private yachts that are going from Colombo to KKS. If there is considerable traffic and demand for a Colombo-Jaffna ferry service, we shall definitely consider it"

 Q    Could you tell us about your appointment as the Governor of the Northern Province?

I can’t acutely assume why the President appointed me to this post. I was in the Elections Commission. That was appointed by the President. It is also an appointment by the Constitutional Council. I was appointed as the Governor after serving eleven months at the Elections Commission. I am sure the President would have studied before deciding on giving me this post. He would have looked at the current requirements, in making some of the changes he had made.   

 Q    What are your responsibilities and functions as the Governor? 

I have to essentially ensure that the constitutional promise to the citizens in the Province is upheld. If we break it up further, Public service, Protection and ensure benefits are delivered.   
Furthermore, both the central and line Ministry funds are monitored by the Governor, so that two funds are harmonized to ensure that there are no duplication and delay. I also ensure leadership in public service. Let us not forget that there are five Ministry clusters, office of the Chief Secretary, Public Service Commissions, Government Agents (Divisional Secretaries), Local Government authorities exist. Therefore I have to ensure that public service morale is up and that their problems are also sorted out. This is basically ensuring that the State sector in the province is functioning well.   

 Q    You spoke about the issues and what kind of issues you have solved up to now in the North? 

I have attended to the needs of the fishermen. I had a Zoom meeting with some of the fishermen. There was a call for a hartal. I was talking to the fishermen actually. I have given certain directives in relation to the deaths of two fishermen, then to ensure the safety of fishermen.   
There are issues such as transfers, discrimination, and generally about delays. We are also looking at going to every household looking at the standard of living, household consumption, household production, price stability, food security, essential service such as quality of healthcare, quality of education.   

In the longer term, we are looking at promoting investments and ensuring that investors won’t face delays. We have a bigger project to ensure that the Province is green and we are pushing hard for green energy, and see that we can produce to supply to the national grid. I will have to target unemployment very soon and find ways to create jobs. There is also the need to address the status of women. They seem to be very vulnerable in this region. This is something that I am taking extremely seriously. We have discussed these issues at length, but we have to put things in this regard into practice.   

 

"There are issues such as transfers, discrimination, and generally about delays. We are also looking at going to every household looking at the standard of living, household consumption, household production, price stability, food security, essential service such as quality of healthcare, quality of education"

There are serious issues with regards to the consumption of illicit liquor and use of narcotics. These are problems that might aggravate in the future. I am also promoting Jaffna – Trincomalee, Jaffna-Batticaloa and Jaffna-Matara transport service so that there will be more interaction.   

I have proposed the travel of pilgrimage makers. I have requested the Minister of Archeology to promote archaeological sites. There is a lot of potentials when it comes to tourism. We want to ensure that local people also benefit from it. When it comes Health Sector we are attracting global brains to help us raise standards. I am very happy that some of the hospitals have started a service where senior citizens can phone for home care. We want to take health service to the home. There are new approaches to investing. For example, I have asked the Director General of Customs whether he could create a duty-free island for incoming tourists from Katunayake.   

 Q    Is it going to be on reclaimed land like in the Colombo Port City?

No. There are around seven islands in the North. We are going to convert one of these as a duty-free island and have a massive warehouse. We are meeting 25 Indian business houses. We also want to ensure that there is medical tourism where people can come for high-end procedures and stay in the country for recuperation. We also want to train butlers so that houses, which belongs to Sri Lankans abroad could be used for long-term stays.   
These kinds of things are done by countries such as Thailand and Malaysia. I have sought the assistance of the Urban Development Authority (UDA) for property management. They have a property management arm.   

There are vast extents of land and property in the North where the owners are overseas. They are concerned about security. We want to assure that we will ensure the security of their property and show them how to use the land productively.   
We will be opening up the old Kachcheri and the Fort as venues for performing arts like Music and Drama. There would be a cultural resurgence in the Province. We also ensure that law and order is maintained.   

 Q    When it comes to tourism, how about travelling to and from South India; especially by air from Ratmalana and to Palali and then to South India? 

Flights from Ratmalana to Palali has already begun. The frequency is three times a week. We would like Palali to become a regional airport for cargo and passengers. We have tremendous potential to do maintenance work. We are looking to do small aircraft and helicopters in Palali. We are also thinking of promoting camping where young people can come to the North and set up camps and spend holidays like in the West.   

 Q    You talked of health issues. How is the situation in the North where the COVID 19 pandemic is concerned? 

So far we have maintained it to a good level, but I am not very happy about the levels at which the people in the North had taken the second and third vaccine. The pandemic can spike in the Province. Very soon there may be certain areas where you can’t enter without vaccine cards. We have to encourage the people in the area to go for jabs as we cannot afford another shutdown.   

"There are around seven islands in the North. We are going to convert one of these as a duty-free island and have a massive warehouse. We are meeting 25 Indian business houses. We also want to ensure that there is medical tourism where people can come for high-end procedures and stay in the country for recuperation"

 Q    Any other plans for transportation such as the Jaffna-Colombo ferry service?

We are exploring the possibility of reintroducing the Indo-Lanka ferry service. There are private yachts that are going from Colombo to KKS. If there is considerable traffic and demand for a Colombo-Jaffna ferry service, we shall definitely consider it.   

 Q    What is happening about the Northern Highway? 

There is a movement in that direction, planning is complete and I believe the work has started.   

 Q    Any possibility of the youth going in for militancy in the North...?

There is no effort for regrouping of militancy, but there is a certain level of incitement. We have to see how we could apply the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution. Elected representatives and public servants all take the oath under the Sixth Amendment. Political parties are also allowed based on the Sixth Amendment. It is going to be a test case soon to see how far you are going to allow the Sixth Amendment to be broken.   

 Q    Is the Government going to continue with the Provincial Councils?

I am not aware of any plan to abolish the Provincial Councils. However, I am told that a new Constitution is to be formulated soon.

Update on the Omicron variant

 

 

By M.C.M. Iqbal- 2022/02/28

(mcmif2003@yahoo.com)

Scientists in South Africa announced on 25 November the discovery of a new variant of the Coronavirus. On 26 November, the WHO named this variant, Omicron. Although the virus originated in neighbouring Botswana, the media labelled South Africa as the country of origin.

Despite the WHO adopting a neutral system to identify new variants of the Coronavirus (using letters of the Greek alphabet), the Omicron variant is associated with South Africa. However, there are two more letters between Delta and Omicron in the Greek alphabet that the WHO decided not to use. These are Nu and Xie, which the WHO thought could be confused with ‘new’, while Xie is a common surname in China. The last variant of the virus to emerge was the Delta variant, which surfaced in December 2020, in India. This article is an attempt to explain the latest findings on the Omicron variant.

Global status

Omicron has spread across countries faster than any of the previous variants of the Coronavirus. Within two months it spread to 151 countries on all the continents. Some experts believe it is the fastest spreading virus in human history. The figure below, from Nextstrain, shows the nearly total replacement of the then-dominant Delta variant by the Omicron variant by mid-February. Nextstrain is a global database depicting the real-time evolution of the genomes of the coronavirus and other globally significant pathogens. This interactive platform provides professionals and the public information to understand pathogens’ global spread and evolution, including information on individual countries. (https://nextstrain.org/ncov/open/global).

See figure:

Global distribution of Delta and Omicron variants on [A] 1^st January 2022 and [B] 11th February 2022 (Graphic: Fadil Iqbal/IUPUI. Data: Nextstrain)

What’s unique about Omicron?

Scientists are using hi-tech approaches to understand the unique structure of the Omicron variant. One such method is called cryo-electron microscopy, which has revealed the molecular structure of the spike proteins of the virus. Spikes on the Coronavirus, the flower-like protrusions on the surface, are the key to the virus’ design, which it uses to latch on to and enter our cells. Unlike the previous Alpha and Delta variants, the Omicron variant has over 30 changes (mutations) to its spike.

The initial Coronavirus and the earlier variants, Alpha and Delta, could infect our lungs, causing many complications. The virus turned the lungs into a battlefield reducing their capacity to provide oxygen to our body. Seriously ill patients were given oxygen. So, why is Omicron apparently causing a milder form of the disease? Omicron seems less efficient in infecting the cells in the lungs than those in our nose and throat. The changes in the spike of the Omicron have hindered its ability to enter the lung cells.

Changes in Omicron

The changes or mutations in the Omicron variant has enabled the virus to spread more quickly in the human population. Significant modifications identified by scientists are summarised below.

Evading defences

The immune system in our body is our defence system that destroys and eliminates any foreign disease-causing agents entering our body. A primary weapon of the immune system is antibodies. These are produced either due to previous infections or are induced by vaccines. They attach themselves to the virus and neutralise their ability to get into our cells. The vaccines for COVID-19 are based on spike proteins. Around half of the new mutations of Omicron are found on a region of the spike (called receptor binding domain), which binds with a protein on the surface of cells in our throat and lungs (called ACE2 receptor). This binding is crucial for the virus to enter the cell. These new mutations have changed the spikes of the Omicron variant so much so that our antibodies from vaccinations and previous infections cannot recognize the spike. Consequently, Omicron can escape some of the defences created by the vaccines. Fortunately, only some of our antibodies, called neutralising antibodies, are affected by this. Because of this, vaccination and boosters still provide us with protection, preventing severe infection.

The earlier variants too had spike mutations, but these were few and prevented only some of the antibodies from recognizing the spike. The changes on the Omicron spike are more numerous. Imagine a jigsaw puzzle with only a few pieces missing or changed, you can still make out the picture. But if many pieces are altered or missing, you would not recognize the picture.

Better spike to enter cells

Before latching onto the receptors on our cells in the throat and lungs, which are the doorway into our throat and lung cells, two parts (subunits) of the spike protein need to open or separate. In the previous variants, these subunits were weakly attached. Some separated too early and thus were not available to latch on to the receptors on the cells. In the Omicron variant these subunits are stabilised so that much more spikes are available, increasing the chances of the virus attaching to the receptors.

It begs the question, if the Omicron spike has changed, how can it bind to the cells at all? Scientists from the Universities of British Columbia and Washington say that the mutations have increased its ability to bind with our cells at a level on par with the Delta variant.

New route of entry

The previous variants needed the cooperation of two proteins on the surface of our cells, to enter (called ACE2 and TMPRSS2), and some cells do not have the second protein. Therefore, the virus could not enter cells that did not have the second protein. Omicron needs only the help of ACE2 to enter cells and now has a more extensive range of cells to enter.

Omicron spreads rapidly

The virus is quickly expelled into the air if it infects and multiplies in the throat. Further, since Omicron causes a milder form of the disease, infected persons may be unaware that they carry the virus. They would be moving about socially and at work spreading the virus. Consequently, the obvious means of slowing or preventing the spread of the virus is to always wear a mask and avoid social gatherings.

Studies also show the period between exposure to the virus and onset of symptoms is now three days for Omicron. At the pandemic’s beginning, this was more than five days, and for the Delta variant, it was four days.

Immediate concern

Scientists have two significant concerns. First, Omicron can spread rapidly, and second, it can bypass our immune system. Our immune system is our internal defence system, using antibodies and an arsenal of chemicals and cells. In addition, the available vaccines were designed by scientists based on the Coronavirus variants circulating in the population. Thus, major changes to the Coronavirus can reduce the efficiency of available vaccines. Health authorities observed both these concerns in the past month: Omicron can spread more rapidly than the earlier dominant Delta variant, and vaccination shows a reduced ability to prevent infection by Omicron, compared to the Delta variant. This has called for booster doses for people who have already received the two mandatory doses.

What can be done?

Vaccination is the primary tool we have to prevent the spread of the virus and curtail its opportunities to multiply. Besides the two mandatory doses of the vaccine, we also need to get the booster; this strategy has shown a marked reduction in severe disease and the need for hospitalisation. In addition, we should rigorously follow the simple rules we are familiar with – wearing a mask at all times when outside, maintaining social distance, and following hygienic practices by washing hands with soap and avoiding touching the nose and face with possibly contaminated hands.

Future

The Coronavirus is here for the long haul. New variants will keep emerging, and it seems unlikely we can eradicate it. The virus has only two major routes into our body: The nose and mouth, which we should always be mindful of, particularly in public spaces. All we need is a tight-fitting mask to prevent the entry of the virus. Media should help to counter vaccine hesitancy and the spread of misinformation. As individuals, we need to understand the biology of the virus (the purpose of this article), to avoid spreading the virus and infecting ourselves and others, and above all, to stop the spread of false information through social media. The underlying science of the Coronavirus is evolving rapidly, as seen by research published daily. Although the virus is also changing and producing unpredictable variants, the science should be supported, in a broad sense, for health authorities and policymakers to develop strategies to mitigate the spread and impact of the Coronavirus.