Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations

Search This Blog

Tuesday, 31 May 2022

 1,906 days of struggle and still no justice

In Mullaitivu, Families of the Disappeared gathered for the 1,906 day of protest and to mark the death of one of their members, Mary Fatima Pushparāni Arulanantham.

 


30 May 2022

Pushparāni was a native of Vadamarachchi East & former president of Jaffna District Missing Persons Association. For the past 13 years, she searched for her son after having lost another to the war. She passed away at Chavakachcheri base hospital. At least 115 demonstrators have died without knowing the truth behind their loved ones’ disappearances.

“Will we get justice before we die?” asked one demonstrator.

The demonstrations were held in front of the Mullaitivu District Secretariat at 2.30 pm today. A number of investigators were also present, following a deepening trend of intimidation and harassment.

Adayaalam Centre for Police Research (ACPR) has reported that during protests intelligence agents would approach demonstrators and demand personal details after displaying photos of them or revealing that their names are known to the department. They have threatened that their involvement in the protests will make them targets of the state.

A former protest leader was informed by members of their community that they were visited by intelligence officers who questioned them about her family. The agents showed particular interest in the former leader’s daughter, who is currently a university student. The former leader was warned that future involvement in events relating to the disappearances would put her daughter in danger. 

“I see all of these as attempts to weaken us psychologically, so we step away from the protests and make it easy for them to make up false stories about disappearances. If we ever stop doing this, they will just tell everyone everything is fine, and no one disappeared, and we will never find our families or justice. Taking pictures of us at protests, meetings and public gatherings has never stopped but singling out people and posing challenges psychologically has been happening a lot to many of our members recently” a member of the protest movement told researchers at the ACPR.

During the protest, Families of the Disappeared slammed the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) as a theatre, expressing deep distrust towards domestic-led mechanisms and demanding international accountability.

“What have the compromises with the military achieved” asked a demonstrator.

“The culture of impunity continues in Sri Lanka”.

“We only expect international accountability and justice, justice for genocide is necessary”.

During the demonstrations, protesters held up banners reading “we want an international tribunal”.

Reform and bridging finance needed soon to avert another blow up



By Jehan Perera-

The 50th day anniversary of the Aragalaya took place in a generally calm manner.  There were special events organized on Saturday, including a march from Independence Square to the Galle Face protest site.  I met a veteran Colombo-based Tamil journalist who was one of those who made the trek, along with his teenage son.  They had come to express their solidarity with the protestors and not to engage in confrontation with the government.  So they did not join the smaller group that decided not to stop at the Galle Face protest site, but went on to try and forcibly enter the President’s House.  They were pushed back by the police who tear gassed them to prevent their entrance to the road that led to the President’s House.

My journalist friend was part of the many who came, like me, to join out of a sense of duty to demonstrate public support for those who had brought about major changes in the country.  During the past 50 days all ministers of the government had tendered their resignations, including the Prime Minister. Those government officials who had been most responsible for the economic catastrophe that has been the proximate cause of the concerted public protest campaign against the government were the first to be forced out. The revelations made before the parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) gave an indication of the horrendous negligence and mismanagement that took place akin to economic crimes against the nation, which required the Aragalaya to bring to light.

The achievements of the past 50 days and the general environment of safety and non-violence at the protest site may give a sense that the protest movement may have peaked.  Indeed, the crowd that was present at the protest site on the 50th day anniversary was less than a half of what it had once been.  Many of the slogans shouted in those early days, and the blaring of horns to the tune of “Kaputu, Kaak Kaak” were not much to be heard.  Several of the speakers seemed to realise the need for a long term and sustainable approach to continuing with the struggle in the face of government intransigence and refusal to bow out voluntarily by calling for early elections.

 

ARAGALAYA’S SPREAD

At the same time, it would be a mistake to believe that the Aragalaya has not spread and is alive in the hearts and minds of the larger community everywhere. The support in the country has not diminished and it should be remembered that on May 9, the day of the unprovoked assault on the protest site by government goons, the rush of people to the site following the assault indicated public support for the cause. The political leaders of the government with their ears to the ground, and capable of rational thought and deductions, are aware that the appearance of calm hides a powder keg.  They feel fear to move around in public and even fear to go for obligatory social events such as marriages and funerals.  The economic hardships that will be with the country for the foreseeable future are painful enough that they can lead to an explosion any minute as it did on May 9 when government goons launched unprovoked attacks on the peaceful demonstrators.

The manner in which homes and properties of those associated with the government were torched and attacked makes members of the government realise that a second round is but a moment away.  The build-up of anger of the people will continue in the face of the increased economic hardships they will be encountering in the days and months ahead.  Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has been forthright in stating that the economic situation will get worse before it improves.  It is therefore important that the government takes actions that can mitigate the anger of the people and prevent it taking destructive forms. Statements by farmers against the possible compensation for burnt houses of government members while not providing for their agricultural losses on ground due to the government’s foolhardy fertiliser ban, and the bitterness at the parliamentarians taking their issue as the prime one parliament was very much in evidence. Providing economic relief by getting international assistance until such time as the economy recovers will be one way in which the government can seek to restore its credibility with the people.  Engaging in political reform that ensures practices of good governance will be the other.

The continuing economic hardships which are likely to increase and not decrease make it imperative for the government to demonstrate to the people that it is serious about reforms.  Prime minister Wickremesinghe has shown himself to be more willing than his predecessor to speak the truth to the people and the fact that there is not going to be a short cut solution to those problems. It is reasonable to believe that this is the general sentiment in the wider society also, of which the Aragalaya protestors are but a visible manifestation. The main slogans of the Aragalaya protestors are that the President steps down and the government steps down. A new slogan that has been added is that the new Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, also steps down and with him the government also goes.

 

MANDATE WITHDRAWN

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe has presented a whole slate of reform proposals that sound promising, including setting up a National Council which would consist of the Speaker, the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the leaders of the major parties with authority to oversee national policies. The importance of securing the passage of the 21st Amendment to the constitution arises in this context.  It will be evidence of the government’s seriousness in proceeding with reform.  The amendment that has been proposed is a compromise and appears to have the consent of the majority of political parties.  It will not be the end of the reform process, but its beginning.  There are reports that sections within the government which see themselves as being targeted by some of its provisions are seeking to scuttle it.  This would be most unwise as it can unleash the demons of grievance and hatred on the government members once again, especially on those who are seen to have opposed the attempted reform.

The 21st Amendment comprises three important components on the lines of the 19th Amendment, even though it does not replicate it.  The first is the establishment of a constitutional council that will ensure fairer and more non-partisan selection of those who will head state institutions which are part of the system of checks and balances.  The 21st Amendment will ensure greater independence for those appointed to head the higher judiciary, the bribery commission, the election commission, the human rights commission, and the national audit and procurement committees. These will all provide important checks and balances against corruption and abuse of power. The second important component is the prohibition on dual citizens from contesting elections and holding elected office.  President Gotabaya Rajapaksa who was a citizen of the United States gave up his US citizenship in order to contest the presidential elections.  There is no reason why others who wish to serve Sri Lanka cannot follow a similar course of action if they wish to serve the country through elected office.

The third important component of the 21st Amendment is that the President retains the power to appoint ministers and to hold ministries.   It is by using this power of appointment that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was able to appoint UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister although his party has only a single seat in Parliament.  The appropriate time to transfer the President’s powers to appoint ministers to a Prime Minister, selected by the Parliamentary majority, as advocated by the Bar Association and many civil society organisations, would be after the next general election when Parliament will once again represent the mandate of the people. The sooner the General Elections are held the better it would be for Sri Lanka. The slate of candidates contesting the elections should exclude aspirants who have enriched themselves and contributed by their actions and inactions to the country’s economic downfall. In the meantime, it is to be hoped that the government led by the Prime Minister will succeed in obtaining the bridging finance required to prevent a failed state for the people.

 History in flames: remembering the burning of Jaffna Library

Cover art by Sagi Thilipkumar



31 May 2022

At midnight on May 31, 1981, the Jaffna Public Library, the crucible of Tamil literature and heritage, was set ablaze by Sri Lankan security forces and state-sponsored mobs. The burning has since been marked by Eelam Tamils as an act of genocide.

Over 97,000 unique and irreplaceable Tamil palm leaves (ola), manuscripts, parchments, books, magazines and newspapers, housed within an impressive building inspired by ancient Dravidian architecture, were destroyed during the burning. Some texts that were kept in the library, such as the Yalpanam Vaipavamalai (a history of Jaffna), were literally irreplaceable, being the only copies in existence. It was one of the largest libraries in Asia.

The destruction took place under the rule of the UNP at a time when District Development Council elections were underway, and two notorious Sinhala chauvinist cabinet ministers - Cyril Mathew and Gamini Dissanayake - were in Jaffna. Earlier on in the day, three Sinhalese police officers were killed during a rally by the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front).

Nancy Murray, a western author, wrote at the time ''uniformed security men and plainclothes thugs carried out some well organised acts of destruction”.

"They burned to the ground certain chosen targets - including the Jaffna Public Library, with its 95,000 volumes and priceless manuscripts…no mention of this appeared in the national newspapers, not even the burning of the library, the symbol of Tamils' cultural identity. The government delayed bringing in emergency rule until 2 June, by which time the key targets had been destroyed."

The burning continued unchecked for two nights.

Homes and shops across Jaffna town were also set alight by the mob, including the TULF headquarters and the offices of the Eelanadu newspaper.

Virginia Leary wrote in Ethnic Conflict and Violence in Sri Lanka - Report of a Mission to Sri Lanka on behalf of the International Commission of Jurists, July/August 1981, that “the destruction of the Jaffna Public Library was the incident, which appeared to cause the most distress to the people of Jaffna."

The Movement for Inter-racial Justice and Equality said in a report, after sending a delegation to Jaffna,

"If the Delegation were asked which act of destruction had the greatest impact on the people of Jaffna, the answer would be the savage attack on this monument to the learning and culture and the desire for learning and culture of the people of Jaffna... There is no doubt that the destruction of the Library will leave bitter memories behind for many years."

The scholar and community leader, Reverend Father David reportedly died from shock days after the incineration of his beloved institution. While his statue in the library courtyard is surrounded now by the spirit-soothing greens of local flora, his demise epitomises the loss suffered by every member of the Tamil nation alive on that day, and each generation born afterwards: the irrevocable loss of memories, of the lives and deaths of our predecessors, of the beauty they created as well as of the destruction they may have wreaked.

In 2001, then mayor of Jaffna Nadarajah Raviraj stated that the burning “is in my memory”. ''Still I feel like crying after 20 years,'' he said. Mr Raviraj was assassinated in Colombo in November 2006. Still no-one has been held accountable for his murder.

Despite Tamil attempts to memorialise the catastrophic event, by keeping part of the burnt wreckage preserved, the Sri Lankan government allegedly insisted on ensuring all areas of the building were completely rebuilt, leaving no signs of the damage done.

Yet, in 2010 the library was once again vandalised by a group of Sinhalese tourists. The Sinhalese group had attempted to gain access to the library whilst it was closed for an All Ceylon Medical Association seminar that weekend. Denied entry the “tourists reacted by running amok” said the BBC, “breaking some of the shelves and throwing books on the ground”.

They also went on to vandalise a statue of veteran Tamil politician S J V Chelvanayagam, remembered across the Tamil nation for spear heading the Vaddukoddai resolution.

In December 2016, an ‘apology’ for the burning, by current Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, was criticised - after initially receiving praise as a step towards reconciliation; the offhand manner in which it was delivered revealing a marked disregard for how deeply Tamils on the island continue to mourn the burning.

Parliamentary Democracy: Re-living a Myth


Photo courtesy of Al Jazeera


BISHOP DULEEP DE CHICKERA-05/31/2022

Parliamentary democracy is a system of governance through which people share resources, provide for their own needs, enhance their own interests and deal with unexpected contingencies, as far as possible on their own. Since an entire population cannot be set aside to do this, they appoint representatives to do so on their behalf.

When these representatives disregard or abuse this mandate, the people pay a heavy price. Life in Sri Lanka today is about this price.

A major problem with our home grown parliamentary democracy is that national constitutions favour representatives in power. This is partly because people’s representatives exercise the most influence in shaping constitutions, partly because the taste of power creates an appetite to stay in control and mostly because both the constitution and the appetite have been manipulated to endow one person with more power than the rest of them.

Then, power is abused, accountability falls by the wayside and the esteemed democratic tradition of stepping down when those who appoint you want you to go becomes a myth.

This is the crux of today’s crisis in democratic governance. An impoverished  president and government, despised by the people for the unimaginable collapse of all things normal, continue to cling unto power.

Mocked governance

What continues when the right to represent the people is withdrawn by the people is ursurped governance. Worse still, when any such government, unable to make a difference, continues to harass and crush its own, parliamentary democracy is mocked. This is not all.

If, when the costs of essentials increase by as much as two hundred percent and the people stand night and day for gas and fuel that is often not there, those who messed up rise as saviours, parliamentary democracy is mocked again. And when the constitution imposes a complicated, long drawn procedure that requires the coooperation of those responsible for the missing dollars to be tried and deposed, parliamentary democracy is mocked again and again.

As a shattered nation watches in disbelief, parliamentary democracy permits real offenders to hold  a sovereign people to ransom.

Betrayal not failure

Failure least describes our current predicament. What the nation feels is betrayal. But in parliamentary democracy, the betrayed nation must wait. It is only at the next election that today’s life threatening trends can be addressed and offenders dealt with. In the meantime, the people are to patiently put up with worsening financial and mental torture and a never ending queue culture.

Betrayal draws the lines; the rejected among the 225, desperate to stay on and reintepret history versus millions of exhausted women, men and children dreaming of normalcy as the best of times.

This contestation is not equal and those who must go know it. This is because parliamentary democracy offers them advantages and humilates those already victimised by political arrogance, incompetence and corruption. It places state machinery and its administrative history, as well as the police and armed forces, at the command of the very ones whose devious record has disqualified them from clean governance. Essential for social recovery and stability, these democratic institutions will grind in favour of those who have much to explain and much more to protect, while a sovereign people are to wait for justice, fearful of the law.

Two priorities not one

The current economics first emphasis is a diversion. It subverts the primary governance issue and shifts public attention away from those responsible for our tragedy. It glosses over the culpability of a set of self-centred representatives responsible for the endless suffering of the people and deftly makes a case for these representatives to continue in power. It is all about how the economic crisis is to be fixed and nothing about how the rule of law shoud appply to those who stripped a nation of hope and stole our children’s future. That governance and economics, intrinsically connected, are not being addressed together suggests intrigue. Promising to reduce the queues, it is nothing short of cover up and bait, in that order.

Two in one

Nothing has changed. The much acclaimed new government is the same old deficient government in different clothing. It simply cannot perform beyond its tendency to be callous and mean. The president, cabinet culture and governmental parliamentary rhetoric are the same. The previous prime minister is not going away and the new prime minister has always been around. If the one who was is allowed his say, the one who is will be allowed to stay.

The crux of today’s crisis is not about human frailty or unavoidable circumstances. It is about the calculated exploitation of parliamentary democracy by a devious set of people’s representatives.

It is nothing short of a governance of entrenched accountability with statutory periodic reviews and democratically regulated provision for the expulsion of corrupt people’s representatives that will lead us, however slowly, out of the mess.

With peace and blessings to all.

Ratification and accession to treaties under 21st Amendment to Constitution



By Dr. Dayantha Laksiri Mendis- 

BACKGROUND

It is an important issue to consider under the proposed 21st Amendment to the Constitution whether the President should sign, ratify or accede to treaties in consultation with the Prime Minister. In this article, it is proposed to provide an analysis of this important issue by reference to current constitutional law and practices of Commonwealth countries.

Before I deal with this issue, it is useful to outline the importance of treaties as outlined in the following references: (Richard Ware, “Parliament and Treaties” in Parliament and International Relations, (1991), pp.37-48; Lord McNair, Law of Treaties, (1961), pp.83-94; Sir Kenneth Keith, ‘New Zealand Treaty Practice: The Executive and the Legislature’ (1964), 1 N.Z.L.R., pp.277-281. J.E.S. Fawcett, The British Commonwealth in international law, (1963), at p.65; Anthony Aust – Modern Treaty Law and Practice, OUP UK 2006; F.A. Mann – Foreign Affairs in English Courts, OUP, UK 1986).

 

TREATIES IN A CONSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT

Treaty is an ancient legal instrument. It contributes to global and national governance. Treaty is a generic term and includes conventions, agreements, protocols, letters of exchange, compacts, etc. It can be defined as Agreements between States or between States and Inter-Governmental Organisations (IGOs) and between IGOs.

In modern times, negotiation and conclusion of treaties are regulated by the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969 VCLT) and the 1986 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States and International Organizations and between International Organizations (1986 VCLT). It is a specialized branch of international law and those who negotiate and conclude such treaties are diplomats and international civil servants. Usually, they have an understanding of the subject matter, as well as treaty law and practice.

Treaties can be multilateral, plurilateral or bilateral and they generally come into force on signature, ratification or accession. Important multilateral treaties signed, ratified and acceded to by Sri Lanka are: ICCPR 1966 and the Optional Protocol 1976, ICESCR 1966, Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989, Geneva Conventions 1949 and the Additional Protocols 1977, The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 1968, UN Convention on Climate Change 1992, UN Biodiversity Convention 1992, Paris Agreement, IMO Conventions, ICAO Conventions, etc.

Important plurilateral treaties signed or ratified by Sri Lanka are SAARC, BIMSTEC, IORAC, and they only apply to a group of states belonging to a particular region. Other famous plurilateral treaties are Treaty on European Union (Lisbon Treaty) and Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (CARICOM Treaty). These two treaties have established a single market and economy with free movement of persons, goods and services.

Important bilateral treaties signed by Sri Lanka are Rubber-Rice Pact 1956; 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, 1998 Indo-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement, and 2018 Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. Other famous bilateral treaties are Camp David Accord 1976 and Shimla Agreement 1972.

Treaties must be distinguished from non-treaty instruments. Non-treaty instruments are MOUs, guidelines, codes of conduct and Resolutions of the UN Security Council, Human Rights Council, IMO, ICAO, etc. Unlike treaties, non-treaty instruments do not require consent of States. Some non-treaty instruments are legally binding on Member States and they are called “hard law” and some are not binding and they are called “soft law”.

Geneva Resolution 2015 30/1 of the Human Rights Council is a non-treaty instrument which applies to Sri Lanka. It was intended to bring reconciliation between the parties involved in the North-East armed conflict in Sri Lanka for a period of 30 years. This Resolution has created constitutional problems for Sri Lanka than any treaty or non-treaty instrument.

Article 46 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969 states, if a treaty (or non-treaty instrument) manifestly contravenes an internal rule of fundamental importance, a treaty could be rendered void at international level. This rule has evolved through Customary International Law and therefore it can be considered a part of Common Law of the United Kingdom and commonwealth countries.

In Sri Lanka, treaties do not apply at national level, as Sri Lanka is a dualist State where international law is considered a separate legal order. Hence, the transformation of treaties into national legislation by using suitable legislative techniques is necessary to give legal effect to treaties at national level as in other Commonwealth countries. (See: T. O. Elias, The Modern Law of Treaties, (1974), pp.142-50. According to Judge Elias, the question brings into focus the doctrinal controversy between monists and dualists schools of thought in international law. See also: D. L. Mendis, Legislative Transformation of Treaties, Statute Law Review, Volume 13, OUP, UK, 1992.

 

RATIFICATION OF TREATIES IN COMMON LAW COUNTRIES

In Sri Lanka, the President, under the 1978 Constitution has an inherent right to sign, ratify or accede to treaties without consulting the prime minister and without obtaining parlia­mentary approval by reference to constitutional provisions. This has led to bitter controversy among cabinet ministers since the Indo-Lanka Accord 1986.

In the United States of America, the President has to obtain approval of the Senate with a two-thirds majority to ratify treaties. Up to now, the President of USA has not been able to obtain the approval of the Senate for ratification of the 1982 LOS Convention.

In the United Kingdom, Her Majesty the Queen signs, ratifies or accedes to treaties on the advice of the Prime Minister. However, the ‘Ponsonby Rule’ was introduced in 1924 by late Mr. Arthur Ponsonby (then Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs) to obtain parliamentary approval prior to ratification of treaties with a view to encouraging open-government in foreign affairs.

The cur­rent application of the ‘Ponsonby rule’ is recorded in the twenty-first edition of Erskine May’s Parliamentary Practice in the following manner –

“When a treaty requires ratification, the Govern­ment does not usually proceed with the ratifica­tion until a period of twenty-one days has elapsed from the date on which the text of such a treaty was laid before parliament by Her Majesty’s command. This practice is subject to modification, if necessary, when urgent or other important considerations arise.”

The ‘Ponsonby rule’ is followed in many Commonwealth countries with variations and such varied practices relating to the modification of the ‘Ponsonby rule’ in “urgent” or “important” situations are noted in the U.N.I.T.A.R. Study. (See: O. Schachter, M. Nawaz and J. Fried (eds.) – Toward Wider Acceptance of U.N. Treaties, (New York, 1971), pp.95-96). Several variations of the Ponsonby rule are noted in the UNITAR Study at p.95).

 

AN EMERGING PRACTICE IN COMMONWEALTH COUNTRIES

In recent times, there appears to be an emerging constitutional practice in Commonwealth countries to obtain approval of Parliament either in the form of implementing legislation or by way of the Resolution prior to signature, ratification or accession in regard to certain category of treaties as provided hereinbelow:

1. A treaty itself may mandate the approval of Parliament either by way of a Resolution or in the form of implementing legislation prior to signature, ratification or accession to treaties. It is necessary in such circumstan­ces to obtain Parliamentary approval by way of a Resolution or in the form of implementing legislation prior to signature, ratification or accession to treaties.

For example, Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) entered into force for the U.K. only after it was subjected to a heated debate in Parliament in November 1985 and was approved by the Parliament as required by the text of the treaty. Similarly, a large number of treaties initiated by or under the auspices of international organizations may require enactment of implementing legislation at national level prior to signature, ratification or accession to such treaties. (See: Articles of Agreement of the I.B.R.D., I.M.F. and I.F.C. require such approval. In moving the second reading in the House of Commons of the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (M.I.G.A.) Bill, the former Minister for Overseas Development, Mr. Chris Patten stated: “The Bill is required to enable the United Kingdom to ratify the convention establishing MIGA, which is an international organization associated with the World Bank…”).

2. In some Commonwealth countries, a “binding constitutional practice” has emerged in the sphere of public policy to obtain parliamentary approval in the form of implementing legislation prior to signature, ratification or accession to “important” or “controversial” treaties at national level.

For example, in the United Kingdom, the Hong Kong Agreement 1984 and the Single European Act 1986 were approved by the House of Commons and implementing legislation was enacted before such treaties were ratified by the Executive. Some treaties initiated by international organizations are also enacted into national law before ratification or accession to such treaties because of their political and legal importance at international and national level.

3. Constitutional or statutory provisions may require parliamentary approval in the form of implementing legislation prior to signature, ratification or accession to a certain category of treaties.

For example, section 3 of the Ratification of Treaties Act 1983 (No. 5 of 1983) of Malta provides that a certain category of treaties require parliamentary approval in the form of implementing legislation.

Similar provisions are also found in the Ratifi­cation of Treaties Act 1987 (No.1 of 1987) of Antigua and Barbuda. In such situations, approval of Parliament is generally obtained in the form of implementing legislation before instruments of ratification are deposited. The draft Millennium Challenge Compact (MCC) required the enactment of implementing legislation prior to signature for purpose of its implementation.

 

CONCLUDING REMARKS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

 

In Sri Lanka, there is no reference whatsoever to treaties under article 33 of the 1978 Constitution. Hence, it is proposed that the following provisions should be inserted as article 33 (gg) the signature, ratification or accession to treaties by the President shall be undertaken in consultation with the Prime Minister.”

In Sri Lanka, parliamentary approval is not necessary prior to signature, ratification or accession to a treaty, as there are no constitutional or statutory provisions requiring such approval.

Many Commonwealth countries have enacted legislation requiring the approval of Parliament for a certain category of treaties as illustrated in the preceding parts of this article.

In the UK, Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 requires parliamentary approval for ratification of a certain category of treaties. Thus, this piece of legislation has taken the Ponsonby Rule to its logical end to ensure open government in foreign affairs.

In the Republic of India, the National Commission was established in 2001 to review treaty-making power under the Indian Constitution, as there are no constitutional provisions regulating treaty-making powers. The Commission recommended such approval of Parliament. However, up to now, there has been no constitutional amendment enacted to ensure parliamentary approval for a certain category of treaties, although an attempt was made on 5th March 1993 by George Fernandez to introduce a Constitutional (Amendment) Bill to this effect in Lok Sabha.

In Sri Lanka, the Yaha Palana Draft Constitution inserted the following provision to fill the lacuna in the 1978 Constitution in the following manner:

“47. XX The Constitution would require that every treaty, along with a memorandum explaining its implication, be tabled in Parliament at least one month before ratification. Parliament may adopt a resolution recommending ratification, reservation or even non-ratification. The Executive would be bound by the terms of such resolution.

Parliament shall be informed of the ratification of every such treaty forthwith.

The provision of a human rights treaty shall become part of the domestic law on the expiry of a period of two years reckoned from the date of ratification. Parliament may by resolution extend such period by one year or reduce such period. Any further extension of the period not exceeding one year at a time would require two-thirds majority. Where Parliament passes a law incorporating a part but not the entirety of a treaty before automatic incorporation, the unincorporated provision would become domestic law at the end of the period concerned.

In relation to human rights treaties to which Sri Lanka is a party at the time the new constitutional provisions come into effect, the two-year period shall begin to run from such time.”

I humbly submit that in Sri Lanka parliamentary approval for a certain category of treaties is necessary prior to signature, ratification or accession to treaties. It is the Parliament and only the Parliament should be the final arbiter on granting approval for signature, ratification or accession to treaties. A draft Bill, on this subject, by the author of this article, is contained in the book titled: PERSPECTIVE ON CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN SRI LANKA, published by the International and Comparative Law Society, of Sri Lanka, 2021, pp. 492-501. (Editors: Dr. Hiran W. Jayewardene and Prof. Sharya Scharenguivel).

(The view expressed are personal and not that of Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute. He served as Ambassador to Austria and Permanent Representative to the UN in Vienna. He served as UN and Commonwealth Legal Expert/Adviser in many countries. He also served as Legislative and Treaty Drafting Expert at the CARICOM Secretariat in Georgetown, Guyana (South America) for several years. Email: mendis_law@yahoo.com).

 All-Weather And Fair-Weather Friends


By Kumar David –

Prof. Kumar David

Is Lanka important enough for international actors such as India, China, America, Britain, Japan and the QUAD to squabble over? The answer seems to be a surprising yes. In the case of India it is expected. Recall that America threatened nuclear war when Cuba stationed Soviet missiles, and now Russia is apoplectic at the thought of NATO getting its fingers around its neck (Georgia, Ukraine and Finland). No great or regional power will allow foreign bases near its land borders or its littoral waters.

India’s anxiety of British (post-Independence period), American (JR’s time) and more recently Chinese bases comes as no surprise. But such concerns do not easily passage to more distant China, America and Europe. Sri Lanka has little relevance to the Quad strategy of encircling China and is entirely irrelevant to NATO’s scheme to suffocate Russia. Furthermore the so-called Indian Ocean strategic zone is a myth. The explanation it follows is not strategic but partly political and partly psychological. The psychological facet is that though we know we are a bunch of s.o.bs, foreigners, poor sods, have affection for our island, and believe it or not, its undeserving dwellers. Let’s not spoil this advantage; let’s keep the charm of genuine non-alignment alive. Competition for mating-rights gets us, petrol, cooking-gas, milk-powder, pharmaceuticals and dhal. It will help if we slaughter fewer Tamils and refrain from locking up too many Muslims on trumped-up charges.

The political side is more complex. Sure, Lanka is no dream democracy. It is the site of public and state-terrorism, crass military-police human rights abuse at the instigation of the JR, R. Premadasa and Mahinda regimes and Gotabaya’s military. It has been a locale of brazen plunder by political leaders, not only in the Paksa years. Racism is widespread among the people, but then ethnic intolerance is a global pandemic. However, though I grant that in many ways Lanka is the depths there is another side; Lanka is one of few post-colonial outposts where constitutional governance, admittedly imperfect, survives. Our giant neighbour India is another. This is different from Burma, Pakistan, Cambodia, Thailand (never colonised) and 30+ countries across Africa. Constitutional governance endures in very few countries across that immense continent.

Here then is my hypothesis: India, the West and even the IMF, though they will be tough about economic reforms (IMF, West) and political changes (India), will not allow Lanka to collapse into anarchy and chaos. Ranil is a lucky bugger! The uncles and aunties crowding over Lanka’s crib will throw him a lifeline before we asphyxiate; the old fox will survive for now unless he does a bad balls-up. This is a different hypothesis from those who say that there is no international economic fix for democracy in Lanka. Maybe, but there is plaster and Band-Aid to avert anarchy and chaos. Of course our congenital problems will persist but sudden death will be averted for now. Can you imagine India, the IMF or even China standing by and doing bugger-all if Lanka sinks into chaotic bedlam? We do not deserve a reprieve, but political and psychological unknowns – I mean known unknowns, not unknown unknowns – will play out to RW’s profit. I am talking four months to one year.

Read More

 21 A should be a genuine move

 


31 May 2022

As we editorially commented a few weeks ago, the reintroduction of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution in the form of 21st Amendment as the solution to the current political impasse, it would not definitely be a solution to the immediate economic issues such as the incredibly rising cost of living, and the shortage of essential items. 
Yet, it is a good move for the pruning of executive powers accumulated in one person, the President. And this might be an opportune time to reenact the provisions of the 19th Amendment with appropriate changes based on the experience gained during the previous government.


The current regime is the one that very clearly proved that the powers amassed in one person alone cannot solve problems faced by the people. It also proved that such powers are counterproductive, as the system prevents collective responsibility to the efforts to solve those problems. It also encourages subservience to the President, and not creative contribution on the part of the Cabinet and the Parliamentary group of the ruling party, in their actions.  


However, misconceptions still prevail about the possible scenario that would emerge once the executive Presidency is scrapped. One such strong contention is that executive Presidency is needed to prevent separatism and the protagonists of it argue that Executive Presidency should be the mode of governance so long as the 13th Amendment under which the provincial councils are created is in force. A leading monk had also echoed this view last week when Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe explained the proposed draft 21st Amendment prepared by him to the monk.


Here, the misconception is that executive powers also vanish into the thin air when the Executive Presidency is scrapped. But in fact they are automatically vested in the Cabinet to be collectively implemented. When it comes to war and peace or quelling riots, one must recall how Prime Minister S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike handled the 1958 ethnic riots though Governor General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke and how Sirimavo Bandaranaike defeated the 1962 coup and crushed the JVP’s first insurrection in 1971 with a iron fist. Under the Westminster mode of governance the Cabinet including the Prime Minister is always in Parliament to answer about their decisions and actions, whereas the President cannot even be referred to in Parliament, provincial councils or local councils without a substantial motion, under the executive Presidency.  


Also there are many other countries which had successfully handled interstate and intrastate armed conflicts, without the Executive presidency being the mode of governance in those countries. For instance, India eradicated Naxalite movement in 1950s and 1960s. Seven decades on, the current isolated incidents in the name of Naxalites in some states in India do not have even the remotest capacity to challenge the democratic polity of that country. India also fought several wars with Pakistan and China. The ten week war fought by Britain in 1982 with Argentina over Falkland Islands was another case in point. Britain has also contained the IRA rebellion.
Cruelty, highhandedness and high profile corruption on the part of the government and the governing clans have been evident both under the Westminster governing system and Executive Presidency. The only difference is that the decision makes would have to “practically” be answerable to the Parliament under the Cabinet form of the government. One has to weigh the current provision for the President to be responsible to the Parliament against how the past and present Presidents have respected the Parliament’s writ.  


It is argued that the executive Presidency cannot be abrogated without the approval of the people through a referendum and hence, the 19th Amendment was bought in as a measure to strengthen the Parliament in the highest possible manner. If the proposed 21st Amendment is meant for the same purpose it should also prune the powers of the President in the highest possible manner. It should not be a diversionary scheme to dilute the current people’s agitations against the perpetrators of the economic mayhem that they are faced with now. It should also not be a shield against the call against the executive Presidency which had gained momentum now to the extent that even President Gotabaya Rajapaksa who scrapped the 19th Amendment 19 months ago had stated he would support any move to abolish executive Presidency.

‘Jaffna burns again’ - snippets from the burning of Jaffna Library


May 31, 1981 marked not only the burning of the Jaffna Public Library, but the beginning of a week-long rampage of violence by Sri Lankan security forces and Sinhala mobs which devastated the peninsula.

The violence and devastation was largely ignored by the island’s mainstream press, and even in Tamil Nadu reports did not reach the media for many days, as a result of the shutdown of press throughout the North and general censorship imposed by the Sri Lankan government. Notably, the office and presses of Eelanadu, a prolific Tamil daily coming out of Jaffna since 1959, were burnt to the ground by the mobs. The famous Poobalasingam Book depot was also burnt.

Looking through archives of Tamil and English language newspapers return large gaps in most publications around the time of the pogrom.

Today we republish snippets of press coverage published days and even weeks after the atrocity.

All newspaper clippings from Noolaham.

‘Terrorism unleashed by the UNP regime’

Between May 31 and June 7, terrorism rampaged through the Jaffna peninsula. Violence such as murder, looting, arson, assault, mugging, vandalism took place as a result of this well-planned terrorism. There cannot be any doubt that the State and the UNP was behind these events.

As a result of this terrorism unleashed on the peninsula, many lost their lives to the ammunition rounds of the armed forces. In Jaffna town and surrounding towns, businesses were looted and set alight. Only stone pillars have survived in the Jaffna central market. The invaluable Jaffna public library was barbarically set alight. The office of the Jaffna daily newspaper Eelanadu was completely burnt. A Jaffna parliamentarian’s house was also set on fire. Many houses were broken, their fences burnt, and the buildings damaged.

Several motor vehicles were stopped on the roads and burned. People were assaulted by armed forces without rhyme or reason. Many were arrested. The fates of some youths are completely unknown. Every barbaric act that would be committed by occupying forces on an occupied land took place for a week, right in front of the people’s eyes. At the peak of these events, June 4, a district council election took place which completely exposed the farce of capitalist democracy.

Who was responsible for these acts of terror? The regime is trying to show it to be the actions of a few rogue policemen. Tamil leaders are talking as if they will accept this. But this cannot be the truth. The people believe that these events were well planned and executed by the highest levels of the government and the UNP. The armed forces and goons imported from outside were used to carry out these acts of terrorism. Some drunk police thugs who smashed and looted a liquor store did not carry out all this violence, as some have claimed.

These events were done with the guidance of the State and the UNP. If the State or the UNP did not have a drop of involvement in these events, they could have put an end to the violence on the day that it started. The people must thoroughly understand what it means that the chaos of the armed forces could burn through Jaffna while senior officials who implement government orders, commanders who control the armed forces, and some other ministers were all stationed in Jaffna itself.

From Sempathakai – Monthly paper of the Ilankai Communist Party (Left)

‘Jaffna Town burns again’

  • Homes and shops burnt
  • Public library completely damaged by fire
  • ‘Eelanadu’ newspaper office set on fire
  • Pharmacies burnt

Image captions: Top - burnt library; bottom - a section of burnt businesses

From Tharkkeekam – monthly paper of the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students (EROS)

From The Morning Star – a Jaffna based Christian weekly

From the Times of London

Lanka on the brink of economic collapse: Prez seeks international help to overcome crisis

 

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, addressing the 27th International conference on ‘Future of Asia’, yesterday, called upon the international community to help Sri Lanka overcome its economic crisis.

Addressing the virtual summit, the President said that it was no secret that the last several months had been extremely difficult for Sri Lanka.

“We are currently undergoing a severe economic crisis, which has profoundly impacted the lives of all Sri Lankans, resulting in social unrest. The virtual shutting down of the tourism industry and the sharp decline in inward remittances from expatriate workers due to COVID19 in the past two years and increasing inflation due to other events combined with Sri Lanka’s high outstanding debt obligations to cause a severe financial crisis,” he said.

President Rajapaksa said that in April, Sri Lanka announced a ‘Debt Standstill’ with the intention of restructuring this external public debt through negotiations with our creditors, whilst simultaneously approaching the International Monetary Fund for a suitable programme.

“In parallel to these efforts, we have appointed a new Prime Minister and a Cabinet of Ministers with representation from multiple political parties, and we are fostering ongoing discussions in Parliament towards forming a national consensus on the way forward,” he said.

Given below are excerpts of his speech: “Sri Lanka is Asia’s oldest democracy. It is crucial that the solutions to our present national crisis are supported through our nation’s democratic framework.

“As we work through such solutions, however, we urgently require the assistance of our friends in the international community to ensure that our immediate needs in terms of the importation of essential medicines, food supplies, and fuel are met.

We are also in urgent need of bridging financing to restore confidence in our external sector and stabilise our economy until the debt restructuring process is completed and an IMF programme commences.

“Sri Lanka is grateful for the support provided by India, our close friend and neighbour, which responded with generosity in our time of need. The support extended by our other neighbours and development partners, as well as regional and global institutions, is also deeply appreciated.

“Japan remains one of Sri Lanka’s key development partners, and we hope that the negotiations now underway regarding bridging funds from Japan will conclude soon, and support Sri Lanka as we try to stabilise our economy and our nation.

“I appeal to the other friends of Sri Lanka present here today, to also explore the possibility of extending support and solidarity to my country at this very difficult time.

“A positive aspect of recent events in Sri Lanka has been the increased engagement of our youth in the nation’s politics.

“We have seen similar activism in other countries too, where the loss of confidence in prevailing systems has led to strong displays of opposition against governments.

“It is important to ensure that these systems undergo the reforms that are essential to their improvement so that future generations will benefit from better opportunities in education and employment, leading to an increase in their productivity.

“The grave difficulties facing Sri Lanka are an early indication of the long tail effects of the COVID19 pandemic, made worse by the ongoing conflict in Europe that may affect other vulnerable nations too.

“Supporting such vulnerable nations through these difficulties is essential for regional as well as global stability.

“It is therefore earnestly hoped that nations able to do so, lend a helping hand to these countries as they seek to overcome the very serious threats they face. An even more widespread problem that the world will face in future concerns food security.

“The shortages of food items and sharp increases in food prices likely to occur in the months ahead will place considerable strain on many countries.

“It is therefore essential that we pay attention to this crucial problem and prioritise agricultural production locally and improve our resilience in the face of this coming issue.

“Increased cooperation amongst nations will also be necessary to ensure that we overcome this issue.

“As we look to the future, it is no secret that even more widespread challenges caused by human induced climate changes lie ahead for the Asian region as well as the world.

“The adverse impacts of such climate change, including loss of biodiversity, water scarcity and pollution, degradation of air quality and ecosystems, will all contribute to significant challenges for many nations including in food security.

“Maritime security in Asia is another thorny issue that require serious policy attention. In addition to traditional security concerns involving the projection of naval power, many non-traditional issues including piracy, human trafficking, drug-smuggling, and illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing continue to pose challenges in this region.

“Sri Lanka has a great interest in the security of the Indian Ocean region, and the protection of the sea-lanes has established a strong relationship between Sri Lanka and dominant regional players including Japan.

“Sri Lanka has responsibility over protecting sea routes, maritime resources and combating maritime crime over a significant region of the Indian Ocean, and we look forward to partnering with the Asian community as we seek to expand our capacities in these areas in future.

“Another enduring regional concern has been civil unrest, conflicts, and communal violence. Sri Lanka too has been marred by sectarian tensions throughout its history. I am of the view that policymakers must come together to devise collaborative regional mechanisms on such issues.

“Exchanging expertise and experience to build capacity in the fields of peacebuilding and reconciliation is essential. So too is the empowerment of the underprivileged, because this is one of the root causes of unrest.

“In this context, I respectfully submit to this forum that the core objectives and functioning of some existing regional bodies are presently affected by conflicts of member countries on matters relating to economic, political, or strategic interests.

“It is my hope that member countries will be able to overcome such impasses and work together in the true spirit of Asia to fulfil the region’s priorities.

“In concluding, I once again thank Nikkei for having organised this conference, and the Government of Japan for hosting this event.

As Sri Lanka overcomes its present difficulties and starts rebuilding for tomorrow, we look forward to constructively participating in future such events too, for the betterment of Asia.”